Capturing the Cradle of Nazism: The Battle of Nuremberg, April 1945

A devastated nuremberg, looking towards the old city center across the Pegnitz at the end of the war. Photo: wikipedia.

By mid-April 1945, the end of the war in Europe was in sight. However, that did not stop ardent Nazis from holding out until the very end. In the southern state of Bavaria, the old German city of Nuremberg, already in ruins from repeated Allied bombings, became the scene of an intense urban battle as the American Seventh Army fought to take the city infamous for its pre-war Nazi Party Rallies.

By Seth Marshall

               Mid-April 1945 saw the Allies advancing on all fronts into the heart of Germany. Despite the clear Allied advantages in men, equipment, and weapons, thousands of hardline Nazi officials continued to advocate resisting the Allied onslaught. This meant that even relatively small cities would become major points of resistance. Nuremberg, the second-largest city in Bavaria, would see one of the largest of these late-war urban battles. Unlike other cities which the Americans had fought for, Nuremberg had far more symbolic importance to both sides because of its role as the cradle of Nazism in the 1920s and 1930s.

            Nuremberg has held an important role in Germany and its predecessors for centuries. The city dates back to at least 1040 when a castle was built at the city’s present location by King Henry III, duke of Bavaria, who would go on to become the Holy Roman emperor. During the 15th and 16th Centuries, the city flourished as a center for the arts, theology, and science during the Renaissance and Reformation periods; figures such as Albrecht Dürer, Michael Wohlgemuth, Veit Stoss, Adam Kraft, Philipp Melanchthon, Willibald Pirkheimer and Martin Behaim contributed to the city’s reputation. As it expanded, the city was granted status as a free imperial city. In 1806, during a period of decline, this status was revoked and the city became part of the Kingdom of Bavaria. The industrial era brought new life to the city as factories were built in and around Nuremberg.[1] In the 1920s, in the wake of the First World War, the city became a center for the Nazi Party. The Nazis held their first meeting in the city in early 1923, with the first rally coming later in the year. Several other rallies were held throughout the 1920s, before major rallies became an annual occurrence every September beginning in 1933. To support Nuremberg’s status as the “City of the Party”, architect Albert Speer was tasked with designing a massive expansion to the Rally Grounds. Much of the rallies took place at the Zeppelinfeld, a specially-designed parade ground taking up some 11 square kilometers.[2] The 1934 rally became possibly the most notorious- 152 anti-aircraft searchlights were positioned around the perimeter of the field and lit in a display which came to be known as the “Cathedral of Light.” Making this event even more notorious was Leni Riefenstahl’s propaganda film Triumph of the Will, which possibly included the most internationally-recognized images of the Nazi regime prior to the Second World War. During the following year’s rally, Adolf Hitler ordered the Reichstag to convene and decided on the Nuremberg Laws- a series of laws which effectively eliminated German citizenship of German Jews, banned marriage between Germans and Jews, and prohibited Jews from flying the German flag. Persecution of the Jews was not new in Germany, but the Nuremberg Laws made persecution of the Jews an official government policy.[3] Annual rallies would continue to be held through 1938- an additional rally was planned for 1939, but was cancelled when Poland was invaded by Nazi Germany the day before the rally was to begin. Additional construction was thereafter suspended on the rally grounds; construction workers and materials were needed elsewhere to support the war effort.[4]

            During World War II, Nuremberg became an important industrial center. MAN had several factories in the Nuremberg area which produced diesel engine components for U-boats, and later in the war MAN also had an assembly plant which was one of the main locations responsible for Panther tank production. Other factories included Siemens-Schuckert, TEKADE, Nüral, and several other smaller firms responsible for producing various weapons, vehicles and equipment. The abundance of military industry, in addition to Nuremberg’s importance as a symbol of Nazism, meant that Nuremberg would be repeatedly bombed throughout the war. The first bombing raids occurred in 1940 and were carried out by the RAF’s Bomber Command. Early raids were relatively ineffective; night bombing was still a new technique and many bombers dropped their loads over completely separate areas. As the war went on and Allied air forces became stronger and more proficient, Nuremberg increasingly became the subject of raids. On the night of March 30-31st, RAF’s Bomber Command dispatched nearly 800 aircraft to attack the city. Weather and moon conditions conspired against the RAF in a significant fashion on this night- solid low cloud cover combined with a full moon meant that the bombers could be clearly seen against the clouds, allowing them to be visually acquired by the German night fighters. The raid on Nuremberg that night resulted in the heaviest losses of the entire war for the RAF- 95 bombers were shot down, and another 10 bombers were written off as complete losses on their return to the UK. 545 RAF bomber crewmen were killed on the raid.[5] It was also later determined that many of the bombers which were not shot down bombed the wrong city- two of the Pathfinder aircraft had mistakenly dropped flares on Schweinfurt, previously the target of two costly USAAF raids, and many RAF bombers subsequently bombed that city by mistake. In any case, the raid had caused relatively little damage to Nuremberg.[6] Far more destructive was the raid which took place on the night of January 2-3, 1945. Just over 514 Lancaster heavy bombers and a small number of Mosquito Pathfinder aircraft attacked the city-this time, the RAF savaged Nuremberg. 1,835 civilians were killed, over 100,000 were left homeless, and the heart of the old city was devastated, ruining many of the historic landmarks in the Altstadt.[7] Just 10 bombers were lost in the raid.[8] Bombing raids by both the RAF and USAAF would continue until just days before the ground battle for the city began. By this time, the city’s pre-war population of 420,000 had fallen drastically- by the end of the war in Europe, only 180,000 residents would remain.[9] Most of this difference is made up by Germans who fled the city for the countryside, but thousands died in bombing raids, especially during the final 14 months of the war.

A map of the destruction to nuremberg created by city planners in february 1945. photo: city of nuremberg.

B-17s release their bombload on nuremberg in february 1945. photo: USAAF Photo 53526, us library of congress.

            By the spring of 1945, the situation in Germany had become dire. Allied armies were pressing in on all sides. In southern Germany, the US Seventh Army, commanded by Lieutenant General Jacob Devers, was heading for Upper Bavaria. Organized German resistance was collapsing across Germany; as a result, defense of certain cities, mandated by Hitler, often fell to a cobbled-together mixture of forces including Wehrmacht, Waffen-SS, police, Volkssturm, conscripted civilians, and foreign volunteers. Nuremberg was to be no exception.

            The leading Nazi official in Nuremberg was Karl Holz, the Gauleiter of Franconia. Holz was a veteran of the First World War, and had joined the Nazi Party in 1922. He was notably an editor of the anti-Semitic newspaper Der Stürmer, and rose steadily through the party ranks until 1940, when he was stripped of his titles in the wake of a corruption scandal centered around Julius Streicher, the main figure behind Der Stürmer. Recalled to military service, Holz fought in the invasion of France, and was badly wounded in June 1940. He returned to frontline service and participated in Operation Barbarossa before returning to Germany in late 1942 and resuming Party duties. He became the Gauleiter of Franconia in November 1944.

karl holz, the gauleiter of franconia at the end of world war ii. photo: bundesarchiv.

          Six months after becoming Gauleiter, Holz’s future prospects looked grim. Germany’s strategic reserve had been sapped by the Battle of the Bulge, and further offensives in Alsace and Hungary had destroyed nearly all that remained of Germany’s once vaunted tank forces. Now, the US Seventh Army was driving southeast into Upper Bavaria. As the situation worsened, the Nazi regime became more desperate. On April 3rd, Head of the SS Heinrich Himmler issued an order that any male citizen showing a white flag outside of his residence was to be summarily executed. Civilians in and around Nuremberg were called up for service with the Volkssturm- the people’s militia- and given helmets, armbands and weapons. As American forces closed in, several civilians were executed by Nazi hardliners- among them was Werner Lorleberg of Erlangen, a town just north of Nuremberg, who attempted to open negotiations with advancing American forces, and teenaged student Robert Limpert, who was hanged in Ansbach for reportedly sabotaging German defenses.[10]

            The defending German forces in Nuremberg were a hodgepodge of mixed units. Nuremberg fell within the 13th SS Corps sector, but in reality a large portion of the defenders were not SS. Elements of three battle groups formed the core of the defense; Kampfgruppe Dirnagel was mostly formed from SS soldiers, Kampfgruppe Rienow, staffed with Luftwaffe personnel, and the 1st Battalion of the 38th SS Panzer Grenadier Regiment. These Kampfgruppe were collectively under the command of the staff of 9th Volksgrenadier Division, which had otherwise effectively ceased to exist.[11] In addition to this force was an unknown number of Volkssturm militia and Hitler Youth, and approximately 300 firemen and police officers being employed as infantry.[12] The most lethal defenses the city possessed included some 100 flak guns arranged in a rough ring around the city. Further afield, the Germans had committed the 2nd Mountain Division to defend territory northwest of the city, and the bulk of the 17th SS Panzer Grenadiers to the east of Nuremberg.

            Elements of the US Seventh Army, commanded by Lieutenant General Alexander Patch, continued to quickly advance even as the Germans strengthened the defenses around Nuremberg. The US XV Corps, commanded by General Haislip, turned towards Bamberg, north of Nuremberg. Bamberg quickly fell on April 13th, as the local German forces attempted to withdraw to prevent from being encircled. American forces then pushed on to take the city of Bayreuth the following day, before turning south. By this time, the Germans had relatively few tanks in the region. The largest concentration was a number of early model Panthers and now obsolete Panzer IVs at the Grafenwöhr training area. These tanks, together with over two companies of infantry were cobbled together to form a Kampfgruppe, with the objective of retaking Bayreuth. This came to nothing when the Kampfgruppe encountered the 94th Cavalry Reconnaissance Squadron of the 14th Armored Division at Creussen. Though the Germans surrounded the town, reinforcements from the 14th Armored Division coupled with intense artillery fire and air strikes by fighter bombers destroyed the Kampfgruppe, wiping out the only armored force capable of providing organized resistance against the oncoming American steamroller.[13]

Lieutenant General Wade Haislip, commander of US XV Corps, which was tasked with the capture of nuremberg. photo: wikipedia.

            Having eliminated the German armored reserve, Haislip ordered his forces to turn south. It was anticipated that Holz and his military commanders had oriented their defense along the western edge of the city. To encourage this idea, the US XXI Corps held the 2nd Mountain Division to the northwest of Nuremberg, while the remnants of LXXXII Corps and most of 17th SS Panzer Grenadiers held the west. This left the eastern side of the city largely unprotected. Two divisions of the XVI Corps were tagged with taking the city- the 3rd Infantry Division and 45th Infantry Division. Both of these divisions had seen extensive combat during the war in Europe- both divisions had landed at Sicily, fought through Italy (including at Anzio), landed in Southern France, fought through the Vosges Mountains and finally had advanced across Germany. Both divisions had taken very heavy losses in the preceding two years of combat, but were well experienced, and unlike their German counterparts were relatively well-supplied, had better equipment, and could call upon far more support such as artillery, armor and aircraft. The 3rd Infantry Division would approach Nuremberg from the north, while the 45th would approach from the east and southeast. The XVI Corps’ reconnaissance element, the 106th Cavalry Group, quickly moved around to the south end of the city to cut off German elements attempted to retreat from the city while also providing early warning against any German reinforcements arriving from the south.[14] In completing this envelopment, XV Corps took nearly 4300 prisoners on April 15th alone. Aiding XV Corps advance was the P-47s of the XII Tactical Air Force, which flew 120 sorites bombing and strafing German elements in the region.[15] With Nuremberg now isolated by the XV and XXI Corps, the advance into Nuremberg itself could now begin.

            On the morning of April 16th, the Americans began pressing in towards Nuremberg. The 45th Infantry Division’s 179th Infantry Regiment began their attack by advancing through woods to reach several towns on the outskirts of Nuremberg, including Ruckersdorf and Rothenbach. At noon, the Regiment’s commander and executive officer were both wounded by mortar fire; in spite of this, the Regiment pressed on.[16] The Regiment began to receive increasing amounts of fire from the 88mm anti-tank guns which ringed the city, capturing several after overrunning their positions.[17] Despite Allied airpower’s overwhelming air superiority by this stage in the war, the Luftwaffe made appearances over the shattered city in the form of Me-262s, which attacked the 179th’s positions. The 179th would continue its attack through the night. To the north, the 3rd Infantry Division’s regiments began their advance before dawn, clearing the towns on that edge of the city, reaching Erlangen by mid-afternoon. After nightfall, the division began encountering increasing resistance and halted for the night. Inside the city, the Nazis had rigged explosives on the city’s gas, water and electricity stations- Arthur Schoeddert, a local radio announcer known on air as “Uncle Valerian” and who had been placed in charge of a number of anti-aircraft guns and was responsible for detonating the explosives, refused the order.[18] During the night, US infantry advanced through the marshalling yard after overcoming local flak batteries being used in a direct fire role.[19]

The next day at dawn, GIs moved out again to press in on Nuremberg. For Company E, 180th Infantry Regiment of the 45th Infantry Division, the day was to be an eventful one. After rendezvousing with a platoon of tanks, the company advanced towards a German POW camp supported by the tanks and several weapons platoons from the battalion’s headquarters company. After some sporadic firing by machine guns posted in the German guard towers, which were promptly suppressed by the infantry, the tanks knocked down the perimeter fence and secured the camp within half an hour, at the end of which the camp commandant surrendered the camp. The GIs had liberated a camp which held some 13,000 prisoners, including 250 US and 450 British POWs. Next, the company was tasked with taking the imposing stadium which sat on the rally grounds, also known as the Kongresshalle. Advancing from the south, the company had moved into the woods immediately to the south of the stadium by mid-morning before beginning to take contact from German infantry. As the company continued to press through the woods, the company’s commander, Captain Paul Peterson was observing a new lieutenant struggling to lead his men forward.

“The new officer was leading his platoon in assault fire across a 50 yard fire break straight up on enemy prepared positions. The fire distribution and marching fire was perfect and every man advanced quickly towards the stubborn Germans… However, on reaching the first positions the Lieutenant lost control of his platoon. The officer suddenly had stopped and stood looking at a very much dead enemy soldier. The Lieutenant kept repeating, “I killed him, I killed him.””  

After Peterson impressed upon the lieutenant the need to continue leading his platoon, the woods were cleared; 15 Germans were taken prisoner and 6 had been killed.[20]

By midafternoon, Company E had begun attacking the stadium itself, receiving a mixture of rifle, machine gun, and 88mm fire from the imposing structure. The Americans returned fire with light mortars and artillery called in from batteries supporting the battalion. Recognizing that a frontal attack on the Kongresshalle would result in heavy casualties, Peterson elected to move his men around the side of the stadium near the lake adjacent to the stadium. After artillery and fighter bombers softened up the German strongpoints in the structure, the company’s riflemen began advancing across the open pavement behind supporting tanks late in the afternoon. The GIs reached the stadium after suffering 3 wounded and 1 killed; Staff Sergeant Miles Hartzel, a well-liked platoon sergeant, was killed when a Panzerfaust detonated nearly at his feet. After reaching the hall, the GIs began the tedious task of clearing the structure.

“The building was finally reached and the squads started clearing each room. The enemy was holding out under the supervision of two or three fanatical SS troopers so placed to ensure that each person remained to defend the position to the last. Congress Hall was found not only to be four stories high and very wide but eight to ten rooms deep. By darkness, the building was only one-third cleared of enemy. Over one hundred prisoners were taken and at least 35 had been killed.”[21]

Company E had suffered another four wounded before nightfall; darkness brought an end to the fighting. The remainder of the Kongresshalle would not be taken until the following day. After darkness had fallen, the Germans probed Company E’s perimeter near some trolley tracks. A BAR gunner in the company’s 3rd Platoon, Corporal Manes, saw the approaching Germans and waited until they were just 25 yards from his position before opening fire, killing two and forcing the remainder to withdraw. April 17th had cost Company E at least 1 killed and 7 wounded.[22]

GIs of the 3rd Infantry Division work their way up a ruined street accompanied by a tank. Photo: National World War II museum.

A squad of GIs advance up a street behind a sherman tank. photo: the national World war ii Museum.

As American soldiers advanced into the city, the fighting devolved into intense house-to-house fighting. German soldiers would frequently fire Panzerfaust anti-tank weapons from upper windows at US armored vehicles, and 88mm guns would fire point blank at both vehicles and groups of infantry. US GIs were forced to clear buildings room by room to prevent stragglers from getting behind American lines and sniping at their rears. Further complicating matters for the Americans was that among the German soldiers were hardline Nazi civilians, who also took to firing Panzerfausts and throwing grenades at the Americans. By the end of the 17th, American forces had taken much of the Party Rally Grounds, the airfield north of the city, and had advanced up to the fire station in Veilhofstrasse in Woehrd. The old city center, already devastated earlier in the year by an air raid, now began to come under artillery fire.[23]

            April 17th also saw the first Medal of Honor action during the Battle of Nuremberg. 1st Lieutenant Francis Burke of the 1st Battalion, 15th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Infantry Division was his battalion’s transportation officer, but he went forward with the infantry to locate a new site for his unit’s motor pool. He encountered a squad of 10 German soldiers preparing to attack; he moved to an infantry unit and retrieved a machine gun with ammunition, then returned to where the Germans were and opened fire on the enemy squad. The Germans immediately returned fire. During the next four hours, Burke repeatedly ran through enemy machine gun, rifle and sniper fire to attack small elements of Germans and leading other groups of American soldiers in attacks on German positions. He single-handedly killed 11 German soldiers and wounded three others.

Lt Francis Burke recieves the medal of honor from president truman. photo: wikipedia.

            The following day, April 18th, the fighting continued to press in towards Nuremberg’s old center. As the Americans continued to fight their way into the devastated city, Karl Holz withdrew into a bunker in the old city center with the city’s mayor, Willy Liebel- he would never leave. For the American GIs, the battle was turning into one of the most difficult urban fights of the war. Most of the buildings in the city, particularly near the center, had been reduced to heaps of rubble which spilled into the street and made movement by vehicles difficult. For most infantrymen and their supporting tankers, visibility was frequently limited to just 100 meters. Oftentimes the piles of rubble and few streets relatively clear of enough rubble for tanks to move along had the effect of isolating units until they were reduced to single companies, platoons or squads operating seemingly alone against a city that from their perspective was full of fanatical Nazis.[24] Artillery and tanks were frequently used to obliterate German strongpoints in buildings, but the abundance of destroyed buildings created many ideal hiding positions for German ambush teams and snipers. Snipers concealed in such positions later delayed US forces repeatedly during attempted crossings of the Main and Pegnitz Rivers.[25] The massive piles of wreckage in the city also created ideal blind spots for German anti-tank guns, including the dreaded 88mm. These guns would wait until a group of American GIs or tanks had rounded a corner before firing at point-blank range. Throughout the city, German resistance was characterized as tenacious; American infantry were forced to go house-by-house and clear every room to prevent stragglers from firing at the backs of passing Americans. The weather also created some difficulties for the US; while the generally warmer temperatures of April were likely welcomed by the same troops who had shivered during the brutal winter months of 1944-1945, the skies were frequently hazy or foggy, and occasionally rainy, which further reduced visibility and made it more difficult for Allied fighter bombers to accurately separate friend from foe during close air support missions.[26]

GIs advance behind heavily-laden sherman tanks on april 18th. photo: the national world war ii museum.

among the many factories around nuremberg which was overrun by us forces was the man factory, responsible for assembling panther tanks. at the time of the factory’s capture, several panthers were outside the plant on flatcars, awaiting repairs for battle damage. photo: ww2.live.com

            For Company E of the 180th Infantry Regiment, 45th Infantry Division, fighting on the 18th began before the dawn broke. At 0500, the company reentered the Kongresshalle and continued clearing rooms using white phosphorous and fragmentation grenades. The remaining Germans capitulated relatively quickly; by 0630, the massive structure was secure. Another 75 POWs were taken, and 300 civilians were removed.[27] The company received new orders to move out just 15 minutes later. Some of the company’s attached tanks were replaced with tank destroyers, providing a mix of armored vehicles for support. Just before stepping off into the attack, Company E received a substantial amount of German mortar fire just prior to a counterattack by about a platoon’s worth of men, which was quickly routed. Moving out at just past 7 in the morning, the company encountered growing resistance just a couple of hours later. Captain Peterson wrote:

“This section of the city had been formerly a very pretty residential part of Nuremberg. Now it was a jagged mass of ruins with only an occasional house that hadn’t been entirely gutted. The defender used this rubble to the fullest extent possible. The enemy further started at this time, to use children and old men to do the observing. The man or child would be noticed walking up to a corner near front line positions, stand for a while and then slowly amble away. Shortly thereafter artillery and mortar fire would pinpoint the company positions. Orders were given to the platoon leaders by the Company Commander to fire on any future “observers” of this type.”[28]

At one point, the company came under fire from an 88mm gun supported by about a platoon of infantry. While two platoons placed the position under covering fire from the front, Lieutenant Fee led his 1st Platoon around the German position’s right flank, cleared the buildings there, and then assaulted the gun position, killing 20-25 of the Germans and taking just 3-4 prisoners. The company paused for several hours to rest, then resumed the attack at 2PM. After clearing two apartment buildings, Lieutenant Fee, who had led his platoon in the assault on the German gun that morning, was killed by machine-gun fire just as he had been about to through a white phosphorous grenade to attack a road-block. As the day’s light faded, the company continued the attack. Both the 1st and 3rd platoons encountered heavy resistance from Germans firing Panzerfausts and 20mm cannons and launching counterattacks. By the time the company ceased its advance for the day, it had killed 35 Germans and taken another 130 prisoner. Company E lost five killed and seven wounded that day.[29]

April 18th also saw two Medal of Honor actions. Lieutenant Michael J. Daly of the 3rd Infantry Division was leading his platoon through the wreckage of the city when they began receiving machine gun fire. Advancing alone, Daly killed the three-man machine-gun crew with his carbine. Continuing forward at the front of his platoon, Daly encountered a German patrol armed with Panzerfausts. For a second time, Daly moved ahead of his platoon, gained a position on the Germans, and killed all six of the Germans. Next, the Lieutenant led his platoon into a park. Coming under machine-gun fire again, Daly killed the gunner of one machine-gun with his carbine, then directed one of his machine-gun crews to fire on the remaining German gun crew members until they were dead. Finally, Daly engaged a third machine-gun at the very short range of 10 yards, again wiping out the crew. During four separate engagements, Daly had placed himself at significant risk and killed 15 Germans. The next day, Daly was shot in the face and sent to the rear to recover.[30][31] Near Lohe, in Nuremberg’s northern suburbs, Private Joseph F. Merrell, just 18 years old, advanced with the rest of Company I, 15th Infantry Regiment, 3rd Infantry Division towards some hills controlling the terrain north of the city. His company came under heavy fire from two heavy machine guns supported by infantry armed with rifles and submachine guns. Completely disregarding his own safety, Merrell sprinted 100 yards through heavy German fire, and came upon four Germans firing submachine guns. Exchanging fire with them, bullets ripped his uniform but apparently left him as yet unharmed, while all four Germans were killed. At this point, Merrell’s rifle was hit and destroyed by a sniper bullet, leaving him armed with only three grenades. Undeterred, Merrell dashed from cover to cover for another 200 yards to within 10 yards of the first machine gun position. He threw two grenades, then charged the position unarmed. Once in the machine-gun post, the commandeered a Luger pistol and killed the remaining German machine gunners. Crawling another 30 yards to the next machine-gun, he killed another four Germans in foxholes but was shot in the abdomen in the process, badly wounding him. Still determined to press on, he staggered on to the second machine-gun, all the while still being shot at by German infantry. He threw his last grenade into the second machine-gun post and killed the remaining crew with his pistol, before finally being cut down by a burst of submachine gun fire. In his one-man charge, Merrell had eliminated both machine-gun positions and killed over 20 German soldiers. His body was returned to the US and buried in his home state of New York.[32]

Lt Michael J. Daly recieves the medal of honor from president truman. photo: wikipedia.

Private joseph Merrell, who was posthumously awarded the medal of honor for his actions on April 18, 1945. photo: congressional medal of honor society.

By April 19th, the 3rd and 45th Infantry Divisions were set on clearing up to the old city center- the heart of Nuremberg and the former seat of the Holy Roman Emperor. The old city presented a formidable obstacle for the Americans; a massive stone wall ringed the old city and was reinforced with tall towers. These fortifications had stood for hundreds of years and had even withstood the multiple bombings during the previous years.

Among the American units which had not yet advanced up to the old city walls was 3rd Battalion, 157th Infantry Regiment, 45th Infantry Division, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Felix Sparks. A relatively young battalion commander at 28 years old, Sparks had risen through the ranks after his commission as a Second Lieutenant in January 1940. He had been in action for nearly two years by the time of the Battle of Nuremberg. On the morning of April 19th, Sparks had ordered two of his companies to continue pushing towards the old city; Sparks followed the infantry in his jeep to stay in close contact with their commanders. Alex Kershaw, author of The Liberator wrote about what happened next:

“Sparks had deployed two companies and now followed close behind in a jeep, drive as usual by Turk, and with his runner Johnson and interpreter Karl Mann in the backseat. Yet again, he wanted to be as close as possible to the front lines. But it was difficult to find a path through the endless acres of rubble. Turk drove slowly as Sparks tried to spot street signs amid the blocks that had all but disappeared. Then he saw the Opera House with its enormous green roof. Sparks turned to his driver. “Uh oh. I think we’ve gone too far.” Turk pulled up. Sparks realized that he had not only caught up with his companies but had in fact overshot them. Once more, he looked at his map, which he usually spread out on the hood of the jeep in front of him. Then, from the high dome of the Opera House, a German machine gunner fired a burst at Sparks and his group. The rounds passed between Sparks and his driver and between the legs of the men in the backseat. They abandoned the jeep, which also carried the command radio and the radio code. Incredibly, no one had been hit. The burst had gone under Sparks’s arm before putting a big hole in the jeep. Sparks and the other men ran for cover in the nearest shell-holed buildings. Then they made their way back until they met up with Sparks’s lead rifle company.”[33]

Sparks’s experience was not a unique one among the American units pushing ever deeper into Nuremberg. Another battalion in the 157th Infantry Regiment would cross the Ludwig Canal under sniper fire and seize bridges for additional forces to cross. In 3rd Infantry Division’s sector, the 1st Battalion, 15th Infantry Regiment captured a company of the Nuremberg’s police force at Westfriedhof Cemetery, who had been impressed into service as infantry. Before the end of the day, the battalion had crossed the Pegnitz River had advanced up to old Nuremberg’s walls.[34] The 7th Infantry Regiment also moved up to the walls by evening, receiving a counterattack by a group of suicidal Luftwaffe trainees attacking from the ruins of Nuremberg Castle- the attack was quickly destroyed.[35] The 30th Infantry Regiment encountered fierce resistance which nearly overwhelmed one of the unit’s companies before a counterattack caused the Germans to withdraw. Later in the afternoon, Second Lieutenant Telesphor Tremblay surrounded one of the fortification’s watchtowers, the Laufer Tor, with his anti-tank platoon. 125 Germans were holed up in the tower, and Tremblay and his men fired at Germans repeatedly with their personal weapons before bazookas were brought up and fired en masse at the tower. This prompted the surrender of the Germans inside the tower.[36]

            As the leading elements of the 30th Infantry Regiment advanced up to St. Johannis gate, some GIs were sent forward to send a message to the Germans over a loudspeaker.

“Your city is completely surrendered and the old city has been entered in several places. People in the occupied part of the city are being treated humanely. Your unconditional surrender will be accepted under the following conditions: Raise white flags over the buildings and open all entrances to the inner city. Otherwise you will be destroyed. We will not wait, so act quickly.”[37]

There was no response from the apparently quiet walls and wrecked buildings. The Germans had blocked up the gate, so a M12 155mm self-propelled gun was brought forward to fire directly at the walls and gates. The gun fired twenty rounds, forming large craters in the walls and throwing stone chips everywhere, but not causing any severe damage. Nonetheless, the Germans at St. Johannis gate surrendered; a path was now open into the old city itself.[38]

A Sherman with the 45th infantry division advances up a rubble-strewn street in the heart of nuremberg while infantry crouch behind the ruins of buildings. photo: NARA.

A GI peers down a street under fire from german postions behind the cover of a sherman tank. photo: nara.

Two shermans stopped outside of the old city- judging by the relaxed attitudes of the tanks, fighting has already ceased in the city. photo: nara.

            April 20th was to be the final day of the battle for the city. It also happened to be Hitler’s birthday. With the defender’s ammunition beginning to run low and his situation hopeless, Karl Holz sent a final message to Hitler.

“My fuehrer, the final struggle for the town of the party has begun. The soldiers are fighting bravely, and the population is proud and strong. I shall remain in this most German of all towns to fight and die. In these hours my heart beats more than ever in love and faith for the wonderful German Reich and its people. The National Socialist idea shall win and conquer all diabolic schemes. Greetings from the National Socialists of the Gau Franconia who are faithful to Germany.”[39]

Hitler sent a response to Holz:

“… I wish to thank you for your exemplary conduct. You are thereby bolstering the spirit not only of people in your own Gau, to whom you are a familiar figure, but also millions of Germans. Now starts the fervent struggle which recalls our original struggle for power. However great the enemy’s superiority may be at the present moment, it will still crumble in the end- just as it had done before. I wish to show my appreciation and my sincere gratitude for your heroic actions by awarding you the Golden Cross of the German Order.”[40]

Even this late in the war with the clear Allied superiority in men, equipment and vehicles and their inexorable advance across Germany, Hitler and his subordinates still held a delusional belief in the final victory of Nazism over Germany’s enemies. This was demonstrated all too clearly for the Americans at Nuremberg; April 20th would be the culmination of the fight for city notorious for its role within the Nazi Party.

            The fighting on the 20th began early, with a large German counterattack mounted at 4AM to try and breakthrough the American encirclement. This attack took some American companies by surprise and nearly overwhelmed them before the German attack petered out and the survivors either surrendered or withdrew. Behind them, the Americans began moving up to wipe out the last remaining pockets of resistance. Company E, 180th Infantry Regiment, 45th Infantry Division had spent the 19th in reserve. On the morning of the 20th, Company E was reinforced with a platoon from Company F and a platoon of tanks, then sent through the medieval wall after by squads under cover of white smoke. The company encountered only sporadic resistance, which prompted Captain Peterson to send his tanks forward to suppress the Germans.[41]

            The company took large groups of prisoners as it advanced along the narrow, rubble-strewn streets. By noon, the company had taken 250 prisoners. The company was still encountering resistance, usually a group of Germans led by an SS soldier who refused to let his fellow countrymen surrender and fought to the very end. On one occasion, a German position waited until the tanks came into view, then fired flanking machine-gun and anti-tank fire at one of the attached Shermans. Unable to fire initially at the Germans because of a wall, the tank poked its barrel through a window, blew out the wall of a building with one shot, then proceeded to fire another 15 rounds into the German position, silencing it permanently. By now, the Germans were surrendering in groups of 25-50 at a time. By the end of the day, the company had taken 750 prisoners and killed 45-50 Germans, losing just three wounded in the process. During the four-day battle for the city, Company E had lost 6 killed and 17 wounded.

            Elsewhere in the old city, other US units were doing much the same, clearing buildings room by room, and pulling surrendering Germans from their hiding spots in basements and air raid shelters. It is not known with certainty how Gauleiter Karl Holz died. He had been holed up in Palmenhofbunker at the Nuremberg Police Presidium since the 18th; when he likely killed Liebel. Holz remained in the basement as American soldiers began firing on the building above. Holz either committed suicide or was killed in the fighting. Holz’s second-in-command, Colonel Wolf, realized the situation was completely hopeless and ordered the remaining Germans to lay down their arms- he issued this order at 11AM.[42] In the very heart of Nuremberg, elements of the 3rd Infantry Division would overwhelm the last of the defenders at Adolf Hitler Platz, were two hundred Germans continued to hold out the very end. These Germans were finally killed when GIs lowered explosives into their tunnel and set them off.[43]

american tanks advance into the old city of nuremberg, likely on the final day of fighting. photo: nara.

Gis in the streets near st. sebalduskirche, one of the oldest churches in the city. fighting appears to have ceased, as the gis appear relatively at ease. photo: nara.

US infantry march down the street from nuremberg castle towards the main square in the old city. photo: Nara.

GIs of the 3rd infantry division move through the recently-secured city of nuremberg towards the frauenkirche and city square on april 20th. photo: nara.

            At the end of the fighting, the tired men of the 3rd Infantry Division assembled in Adolf Hitler Platz for a division review in front of Major General John “Iron Mike” O’Daniel. Following a speech by O’Daniel in which he congratulated his division on its role in taking the city, the Division band played the Division’s song, “Dog-Faced Soldier.” [44]Two days later, both the 3rd and the 45th Infantry Divisions assembled for an inspection in front of Lieutenant General Jacob Devers, commander of XV Corps. Even though the fighting for the city had ended two days before, Nazi sympathizers remained present; one of Lieutenant Colonel Sparks’ soldiers was killed by a sniper later on April 22nd after the parade had ended.[45]

            The Battle for Nuremberg had been one of the more intense urban battles fought by American forces in Western Europe, and one of its costliest late-war battles. The 3rd Infantry Division and its attachments suffered 147 killed, 601 wounded and 7 missing. Casualties for the 45th Infantry Division are less certain- the 157th Infantry Regiment lost 4 killed, 44 wounded during the battle, but the 180th Infantry Regiment had lest specific records, noting that during the entire month of April the Regiment had lost 75 killed, 312 wounded, 5 missing and 7 died of wounds.[46][47] Similarly, the 179th Infantry Regiment recorded that between April 1st and April 30th, the Regiment lost 35 killed, 175 wounded and 1 missing.[48] Additional units in the 45th suffered smaller numbers of casualties, such as the 120th Combat Engineer Battalion with 1 killed, 14 wounded.[49] It seems reasonable to assume that the 45th suffered a similar level of casualties during the Battle for Nuremberg as the 3rd Infantry Division; the overall casualty figures for the US likely range between 290 killed, 1200 wounded and 15 missing.

A knocked-out sherman on the edge of the zeppelinfeld following the capture of the parade grounds. photo: nara.

GIs frequently took the opportunity to mockingly make the nazi salute on the very same podium from which hitler gave speeches at party rallies. photo: nara.

Members of the 3rd infantry division parade through the main square in nuremberg in front of the frauenkirche on April 22nd. photo: nara.

A gi looks across the pegnitz to the shattered remains of nuremberg’s old city; the bombed-out frauenkirche can be seen in the background. photo: nara.

Today, Nuremberg has changed significantly from its state during the ground battle. The city had been completely destroyed between the bombing and ground battle in April; in the years which followed the war, the city was rebuilt. Today, many of the buildings which stood in 1939 before the bombing campaign are gone, replaced frequently by more drab and slab-sided modern structures which contrast with those classical buildings which were restored to their former glory. However, some of the pre-war buildings have survived, including a small number which were scenes of the fighting in 1945. The Deutscher Hof Hotel, which Hitler stayed at during his visit to the city in 1934, remains standing albeit with a post-war facelift. The Fränkischer Hof, where the Nazi press stayed during Rallies, also remains standing, although it was modified significantly in the decades since the war and is now a Sheralton Hotel. The Hauptbahnhof (main train station) also remains standing, though it needed significant repairs after war. One of the most visible remnants of the pre-war era is the Hauptmarkt, the main city square. This square lies in the old city, and was the location of the final remnant of German resistance as well as 3rd Infantry Division’s first parade. This square today remains the scene of markets on weekends, various public events, and the massive Kriskindlsmarkt during the Christmas holiday season. St. Sebalduskirche, located on the eastern end of the square, also remains standing, though it too required extensive renovations in the post-war era after having its roof blown in by a bomb. The Gauhaus, built in 1937 for the Gauleiter of the region, was burnt out during the battle, but has also been rebuilt and sits on what is now called Willy-Brandt-Platz. Unlike many of the city’s other churches damaged during the war, St. Katherine’s Church was not rebuilt- the shell remains standing in the old city. Perhaps the most striking remnants of the Nazi era still left in Nuremberg are the Party Rally grounds- most of the components of these grounds remain standing, including the podium where Hitler spoke at the Zeppelinfeld, and the incomplete Kongresshalle, which has been converted into a museum on the history of the Nazi Party in Nuremberg and the effects of the policies and rallies held in the city.[50]

            The Battle of Nuremberg was one of the last major battles fought by the Western Allies in the European Theater, and its ferocity and desperation characterized the fighting taking place in Germany at this stage of the war. It was also a symbolic battle, with many hardline Nazis fighting tooth and nail for the city so closely associated with the origins of the party and with its heinous policies. For the Americans, victory at Nuremberg came to signify their impending triumph over an evil regime which had murdered millions. A stark example of this coming end of Nazi Germany came about a few days after the battle. Atop the main structure at the Zeppelinfeld was a massive wreathed swastika. Deciding that the decoration no longer suited the city, the Americans carried a couple hundred pounds of high explosives atop the structure and blew the swastika into fragments, an event captured for all to see on newsreels, and which came to be a major symbol of the end of Nazi Germany.[51]

The Kongresshalle as it appears today, which company e, 180th infantry fought so hard to secure during april 16-17th, 1945. today, the interior is home to an excellent museum documenting nuremberg’s role during the nazi era. photo: author

the 2km-long marching road remains in place today, and is frequented by german pedestrians. photo: author.

THe main structure at the zeppelinfeld. the adjoining columns were demolished in the 1960s as a safety hazard. today, a racetrack runs through the former parade ground, though all of the concrete viewing stands remain in place, and it is still possible to see how large the parade field was. photo: author.

The lorenzkirche as it appears today. photo: author.

the waterfront along the pegnitz, which had been completely demolished during the bombing, has been completely rebuilt since. photo: author.

The frauenkirche was rebuilt after the war- today, it remains the centerpiece of the main city square, which is still used for markets. photo: author.

St. Sebalduskirche, also badly damaged by bombing in 1945, has been rebuilt along with most of the other historical churches in nuremberg’s city center. photo: author.

nuremberg castle had suffered extremely heavy damage during both the bombings of 1945 and during the fighting; it has since been effectively rebuilt, and much of the interior has been converted for museum space on the history of the holy roman empire in the city. photo: author.

 

 

 

 

 

Sources

1.     Beall, Jonathan Andrew. “‘The Street Was One Place We Could Not Go’: The American Army and Urban Combat in World War II Europe.”

2.     Bradsher, Greg. “The Nuremberg Laws: Archives Receives Original Nazi Documents That ‘Legalized’ Persecution of Jews.” Prologue, vol. 42, no. 4, 2010, https://doi.org/https://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2010/winter/nuremberg.html.

3.     Dierl, Florian, et al. “The Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg - Google Arts & Culture.” Google, Documentation Center Nazi Party Rally Grounds, Nuremberg Municipal Museums, https://artsandculture.google.com/story/the-nazi-party-rally-grounds-in-nuremberg-documentation-center-nazi-party-rally-grounds/9gXBnoIq2KGTIg?hl=en.

4.     Eisenack, Gabi. “Nürnberger Remembers the Bombing Raid of January 2, 1945.” Nordbayern, Nordbayern.de, 2 Jan. 2013, https://www.nordbayern.de/region/nuernberg/nurnberger-erinnert-sich-an-bombenangriff-vom-2-januar-1945-1.2603905.

5.     Fell, David William. “Operation – Nuremberg - 30/31 March 44.” 576 Squadron- RAF, 13 Base- RAF, https://www.northlincsweb.net/576Sqn/html/nuremberg_30-31_march_1944.html.

6.     Goldstein, Richard. “Michael Daly, 83, Dies; Won Medal of Honor.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 29 July 2008, https://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/us/29daly.html.

7.     Headquarters, 45th Infantry Division, APO, AE, 1945, Historical Record of the 157th Infantry for the Month of April 1945.

8.     Headquarters, 45th Infantry Division, APO, AE, 1945, Historical Record of the 179th Infantry for the Month of April 1945.

9.     Headquarters, 45th Infantry Division, APO, AE, 1945, Historical Record of the 180th Infantry for the Month of April 1945.

10.  Headquarters, 45th Infantry Division, APO, AE, 1945, Report of Operations of the 180th Infantry Regiment from 1 April 1945 to 30 April 1945

11.  Hopkins, Ryan Patrick. “The Historiography of the Allied Bombing Campaign of Germany.” Thesis / Dissertation ETD, East Tennessee State University, 2008.

12.  Kershaw, Alex. Liberator: One World War II Soldier's 500-Day Odyssey from the Beaches of Sicily to the Gates of Dachau. Broadway Books, 2012.

13.  Lankford, James R. “Battling Segregation and the Nazis: The Origins and Combat History of CCR Rifle Company, 14th Armored Division.” Army History, ser. 63, 2007, pp. 26–40. 63.

14.  MacDonald, Charles B. The Last Offensive. Center of Military History, U.S. Army, 1993.

15.  “Michael Joseph Daly: World War II: U.S. Army: Medal of Honor Recipient.” Congressional Medal of Honor Society, https://www.cmohs.org/recipients/michael-j-daly.

16.  Munsell, Warren P. The Story of a Regiment: A History of the 179th Regimental Combat Team. Newsfoto Publishing, 1946.

17.  “Nürnberg.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 8 Apr. 2023, https://www.britannica.com/place/Nurnberg.

18.  Peterson, Paul L. The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, April 15-20 (Personal Experience of a Company Commander). The Infantry Schhool, 1949.

19.  Ranter, Harro. “Mid-Air Collision Accident Avro Lancaster Mk III PB515, 02 Jan 1945.” Aviation Safety Network, Flight Safety Foundation, https://aviation-safety.net/wikibase/159046.

20.  Rawson, Andrew. In Pursuit of Hitler: A Battlefield Guide to the Seventh (US) Army Drive (Battleground Europe). Pen & Sword Military, 2008.

21.  Schaitberger, Linda L. “The End of a Benign and Ancient City: Six Centuries Lost in an Hour.” The 'near Perfect Area Bombing' of Nuremberg by the Royal Air Force, http://www.revisionist.net/nuremberg-bombing.html.

22.  CSI Battlebook 13-D: The Battle of Nuremberg. Combat Studies Institute, Fort Leavenworth, KS: 1984.

23.  “The End of the War in Nuremberg.” Nuernberg Online, City of Nuremberg, 2005, https://web.archive.org/web/20070520114434/http://www.kriegsende.nuernberg.de/english/chronology/index.html .

24.  Walden, Geoff. “Nürnberg.” Third Reich in Ruins, 20 July 2000, http://www.thirdreichruins.com/nuernberg.htm.

25.  Zita Ballinger Fletcher (4/13/2023) Breaking the City of Kings: The Battle for Nuremberg, 1945. HistoryNet Retrieved from https://www.historynet.com/breaking-the-city-of-kings-the-battle-for-nuremberg-1945/












[1] https://www.britannica.com/place/Nurnberg 12APR23

[2][2] https://artsandculture.google.com/story/the-nazi-party-rally-grounds-in-nuremberg-documentation-center-nazi-party-rally-grounds/9gXBnoIq2KGTIg?hl=en

[3] https://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2010/winter/nuremberg.html

[4] https://artsandculture.google.com/story/the-nazi-party-rally-grounds-in-nuremberg-documentation-center-nazi-party-rally-grounds/9gXBnoIq2KGTIg?hl=en

[5] http://www.revisionist.net/nuremberg-bombing.html

[6] https://www.northlincsweb.net/576Sqn/html/nuremberg_30-31_march_1944.html

[7] https://www.nordbayern.de/region/nuernberg/nurnberger-erinnert-sich-an-bombenangriff-vom-2-januar-1945-1.2603905

[8] https://aviation-safety.net/wikibase/159046

[9] P. 42- “The Historiography of the Allied Bombing Campaign of Germany” Hopkins, 2008

[10] https://www.historynet.com/breaking-the-city-of-kings-the-battle-for-nuremberg-1945.htm

[11] The Last Offensive, p.423

[12] https://www.historynet.com/breaking-the-city-of-kings-the-battle-for-nuremberg-1945.htm

[13] P.32- Army History: The Professional, 2007

[14] P.423- The Last Offensive

[15]P.43- The Battle of Nuremberg- Combat Studies Institute

[16] The Story of a Regiment: A History of the 179th Regimental Command Team

[17] P.47- The Battle of Nuremberg- Combat Studies Institute

[18] www.kriegsende.nuernberg.de/english/chronology/index.html

[19] https://web.archive.org/web/20070520114434/http://www.kriegsende.nuernberg.de/english/chronology/index.html

[20] P.12-14, “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[21] P. 17, “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[22] P.18, “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[23] https://web.archive.org/web/20070520114434/http://www.kriegsende.nuernberg.de/english/chronology/index.html

[24] P.477- The Street Was the One Place We Could Not Go: The American Army and Urban Combat in World War II

[25] P.16- The Battle of Nuremberg. Combat Studies Institute, Ft. Leavenworth, KS

[26] P.14- The Battle of Nuremberg. Combat Studies Institute, Ft. Leavenworth, KS

[27] P.20- “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[28] P.21- “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[29] P.22-26- “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[30] https://www.cmohs.org/recipients/michael-j-daly

[31] https://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/us/29daly.html

[32] https://www.cmohs.org/recipients/joseph-f-merrell, 8 APR 2023

[33] P.254-256- The Liberator

[34] P.290- In Pursuit of Hitler: A Battlefield Guide to the Seventh (US) Army Drive (Battleground Europe)

[35] P.290- In Pursuit of Hitler: A Battlefield Guide to the Seventh (US) Army Drive (Battleground Europe)

[36] https://www.historynet.com/breaking-the-city -of-kings-the-battle-for-nuremberg-1945.htm

[37] https://www.historynet.com/breaking-the-city -of-kings-the-battle-for-nuremberg-1945.htm

[38] https://www.historynet.com/breaking-the-city -of-kings-the-battle-for-nuremberg-1945.htm

[39] P.11- The Battle of Nuremberg. Combat Studies Institute, Ft. Leavenworth, KS

[40] P.36-“The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[41] P.29- “The Operations of Company E, 180th Infantry (45th Infantry Division) in Battle of Nuremberg, Germany, 17-20 April, 1945 (Personal Experiences of a Company Commander)

[42] https://web.archive.org/web/20070525110034/http://www.kriegsende.nuernberg.de/english/chronology/chronology2.html

[43] P.296- In Pursuit of Hitler: A Battlefield Guide to the Seventh (US) Army Drive (Battleground Europe)

[44] P.296- In Pursuit of Hitler: A Battlefield Guide to the Seventh (US) Army Drive (Battleground Europ

[45] P.256- The Liberator

[46] P.19- History, Narrative Form, 157th Infantry Regiment, April 1945

[47] P.28-29- Report of Operations of the 180th Infantry Regiment from 1 April 1945 to 30 April 1945

[48] P.8- 179th Infantry Regiment, Month of April 1945

[49]

[50] http://www.thirdreichruins.com/nuernberg.htm 12APR23

[51] http://www.thirdreichruins.com/nuernberg2.htm 12APR23

Film Review: All Quiet on the Western Front (2022)


Paul Baumer and his comrades clear a French trench in this promotion image from the film. Source: Netflix

Image source: Netflix

By Seth Marshall

            Easily the best war-related film in the last two years, All Quiet on the Western Front is an excellent adaptation of Erich Maria Remarque’s classic eponymous novel. Directed by Edward Berger, the newest adaptation of the novel doesn’t flinch from showing the horrors of the First World War, showcases superb acting by a mostly unknown cast, and uses excellent cinematography to tell the story of Paul Bäumer, the main character. A notice to readers; some of the details discussed below will give away elements of the plot, so consider yourself warned against spoilers.

            From the outset, it should be said that the film is not an exact retelling of the novel; there are a number of key differences. At the start of Remarque’s novel, Bäumer is already a veteran of the Western Front. We are never told when the start of the novel is set, but it seems likely that it is supposed to be later in 1916 or early in 1917, which would be appropriate, as Remarque himself was sent to the Western Front in spring 1917. The novel also begins with the story of Franz Kemmerich, a soldier who has lost his leg to shrapnel and eventually dies in the hospital. Berger’s film opens by depicting a German infantry charge, focusing on a soldier named Heinrich. Heinrich, clearly horrified by the death of several of his comrades and terrified by what is taking place around him, pushes forward and is eventually killed. The film then makes a point of showing Heinrich’s uniform being removed, boiled, dried, patched, and present to Bäumer, then the new recruit. We also see Paul and his comrades, eager to join the war, excitedly march off towards the front- this depiction presents somewhat of a problem; it’s unlikely that such a positive attitude would have been found among new recruits in 1917- this depiction is much more like how the new soldiers marched off to war in 1914. The new film also includes a number of characters and subplots not seen in the movie. One is the story of Matthias Erzberger, a German politician portrayed by Daniel Brühl who was responsible for leading the German delegation at the signing of the Armistice, which ended the shooting. Another is the fictional character of General Friedrichs, played by Devid Striesow, who refuses admit defeat and continues to order his men into executing pointless last-ditch assaults which all fail. Friedrichs character recalls the generals in Stanley Kubrick’s Paths of Glory, who having never visited the front and seen the tactical realities for themselves, continue sending their men to their deaths.

            A third significant change is that a large portion of the novel is spent following Bäumer as he takes leave from the front and returns to his home village, where he feels himself a foreigner in his own hometown. In the novel, Bäumer finds himself completely unable to relate to almost anyone at home; most people simply have no concept of what conditions were really like at the front. The only exceptions are Bäumer’s mother, who is deeply concerned for her son and seems to understand that he has fundamentally changed, and a handful of other veterans around town who have spent time at the front. This portion is excluded from the film, as is another portion of the novel which sees Bäumer sent to a hospital for a period of time after being wounded in the arm.

Paul Baumer is remarkably portrayed by Newcomer Felix Kamerer. Image Source: Netflix.

The horrors of war are at the forefront in this film. image source: netflix

            Perhaps the largest difference between the novel and the film is that rather than taking place over the course of months, possibly years, the film is mostly set during the last four days of the First World War. Much of the film follows Bäumer and his squad as they take part in an attack on the French lines on November 9th- initially successful, the French counterattack with St. Chamond tanks (replicas built on much more modern BMP infantry fighting vehicles) and flamethrowers. Two of Bäumer’s friends are killed, including one burned down by a flamethrower while attempting to surrender. Neither side appears interested in taking prisoner; Bäumer is absolutely horrified by the graphic nature of his comrades’ deaths. We then see him fall into a crater alone, where he mortally wounds a French soldier with his knife but is forced to listen to the man slowly succumb to his wounds, an episode taken straight from the novel.

            In general, though the film is not an exact retelling of the novel, it fully captures Remarque’s ideas while retaining the characters, substance, and a number of anecdotes from the book. The film’s director, Edward Berger, and cinematographer, James Friend, have done a magnificent job of selecting shots and scenes which tell the story so very well. An intensely melancholic soundtrack underscores the themes of the film. The most surprising element of the film’s production is that the actor portraying Paul, Felix Kamerer, has never previously appeared in a film, but delivered a superb performance. Kamerer is backed up in his role as Paul Bäumer by seasoned actors Albrecht Schuch and Daniel Brühl, playing Stanislaus “Kat” Katczinsky and Matthias Erzberger respectively, who both stand out in their performances. The supporting cast don’t blend into the background either; their characters all seem very real and relatable. In comparison to 1917, All Quiet on the Western Front reflects the direct experiences of someone who fought in the First World War and was left psychologically devastated by their experiences. This is not to say that that 1917 is not an excellent film, for it certainly is; 1917 stands as more of a reflection of memories of the First World War, told from the British (and thus a winning) perspective. The two are by far the best adaptations on the subject of the First World War in perhaps decades, but they do come from fundamentally different backgrounds.

            As an aside, though All Quiet on the Western Front was by far the most successful novel which came out of the First World War period, perhaps the most successful memoir in Germany was Storm of Steel, by Ernst Jünger.  Unlike Remarque, Jünger recalled his extensive war experience as hugely revealing experience, and not as a purely negative period in his life. Comparing the two authors next to one another, they stand as nearly opposites. Remarque was conscripted into the German Army in 1916 at age 18, joined the 15th Reserve Infantry Regiment at the Western Front on June 26, 1917, and was only at the front for a little over a month before being seriously wounded during the Battle of Passchendaele. He would spend nearly the rest of the war in hospitals; he is finally released from the hospital a week before the war ends. By contrast, Jünger joins the German Army just after the outbreak of war in 1914 at age 19, joining the 73rd Hanoverian Regiment at the front in December 1914. Over the course of the war, he advances in rank to Captain and eventually commanded a company of elite storm troopers (infantry specializing in breakthrough tactics during the First World War) during the German Spring Offensive in March 1918. He was wounded seven times in the war, most seriously in August 1918. Jünger found out in the hospital that he had been awarded the Pour le Mérite, Germany’s highest award for valor. After the war, both men’s views did not ingratiate them with the Nazi regime that took power in 1933- Remarque’s books were outright banned, and he eventually moved first to Switzerland and then the US. Jünger, whose book was not seen as anti-war or political, did not leave the country but served again in the German Army during World War II, before being forced to resign in 1944 following the assassination attempt on Hitler because of his anti-regime activities. Both men continued to write for the remainder of their lives, Jünger in particular becoming well-known in Germany for his philosophical works; Remarque would die in 1970 at age 72; Jünger would live all the way until 1998, finally dying at age 102 despite all of his wounds received 80 years earlier.

erich maria remarque, picutred after the war. image source: bundesarchiv.

Ernst junger poses in his uniform in this post wwi photo. photo source: bundesarchiv.

            Overall, the latest iteration of All Quiet on the Western Front is an outstanding film, perhaps one of the best of 2022. It retains the anti-war message of the novel, that “this book is neither an accusation nor a confession, and least of all not an adventure, for death is not an adventure to those who face it.” It is a very human and at times personal experience which provides one of the best glimpses into the conditions faced by many infantrymen in the First World War. I cannot recommend this film more highly.

 

 

Sources

1.     Remarque, Erich Maria. All Quiet on the Western Front. Translated by A. W. Wheen, Random House Trade Paperbacks, 2013.

2.     Jünger Ernst. Storm of Steel . Translated by Michael Hoffman, Penguin Books, 2016.

3.     Ruggenberg, Rob. The Heritage of the Great War / First World War 1914 - 1918, https://greatwar.nl/frames/default-hitlere.html.

Battlefield Visit: Hürtgen Forest

In the fall of 1944, Allied hopes of ending the war in Europe were dashed by series of setbacks. Of these, perhaps none was more futile an effort than the American campaign to take the Hürtgen Forest, located on Germany’s western frontier south of Aachen.

GIs of E Company, 110th Infantry Regiment, 28th Infantry Division move cautiously through the forest south of Germeter during the attack towards Vossenack on November 2nd. Photo: Warfare History Network.

By Seth Marshall

By early September 1944, Allied armies had advanced across France to the frontier of western Germany. Among the Allied armies making their way towards Germany was the American First Army, commanded by General Courtney Hodges. First Army was pushing its way eastward towards the Rhine River, the last major obstacle preventing the Allies from advancing into the industrial heart of Germany. However, in September First Army became bogged down in a major urban battle in the old city of Aachen. To the south of the city lay the Hürtgen Forest (Hürtgenwald in German), a dense forest in very rugged terrain. Hodges believed that the forest was a staging area for German units moving into Aachen. A veteran of the First World War who remembered the terrible fighting in the Argonne Forest, Hodges decided against bypassing the area and instead decided to clear the inhospitable region, perceiving it as a threat to his right flank. There was little pushback against Hodges’ plan to clear the forest- likely this came from the general’s reputation for firing subordinate commanders. During the course of the American involvement in the war in Europe, thirteen corps and division commanders were relieved of their commands; Hodges was responsible for firing ten of them.[1] Hodges’ insistence on taking the area and the reluctance of his commanders to resist the idea was to prove costly; the Hürtgen Forest would be one of the bloodiest battles for American forces in the European Theater.

 The Hürtgen Forest occupies an area roughly 11 miles long and 5 miles wide. The forest has been harvested for timber for centuries by German farmers, and much of its neatly ordered trees were described by some as ideal.[2] However, such descriptions ignored the realities of the terrain coupled with the weather of the time. While it is true that much of the forest used for timber is ordered into tidy rows, other parts of the forest are overgrown with brush. The ground rises on steep slopes up to high hilltops and down again into rocky, slippery ravines. In 1944, there were even fewer roads in the area, and those which would have been present would have been little better than logging trails- poor road surfaces for tracked vehicles. By the time the Americans began moving into the forest, autumn was setting in. Cold and wet conditions created fog which persisted late into the morning or set in early in the afternoon. Low clouds and rain also were frequent, which negated the Allied advantage of close air support and often made accurate artillery observation difficult at best. These conditions became deadly when combined with the German defenses in the forest.

In 1938, German engineers had begun constructing concrete bunkers in the Hürtgen as part of the building of the Siegfried Line (known to the Germans as the “Westwall”), the line of defensive fortifications intended by Hitler to protect Germany’s western frontier against invasion by the western Allied countries. After German armies overran France in 1940, construction was halted and much of the guns were removed for use elsewhere. Building resumed in June 1944 after D-Day. Defenses in the Hürtgen were centered around Type 107 concrete bunkers. These bunkers had two machine gun embrasures situated on the bunker’s sides, which were designed to fire into the flanks of an advancing infantry force and form interlocking fields of fire with neighboring fortifications. Some bunkers did have forward-facing machine guns, but these embrasures were protected with metal doors which could open and close as needed. The walls of these bunkers were up to 11 feet thick.[3] The exterior of these bunkers were often painted various shades of green to blend them into their surroundings. Brush and small trees were also allowed to grow on top of the bunkers, and earth was shaped around them to blend them into their surrounding terrain. Inside, these bunkers had enough space for the troops garrisoned inside to sleep, eat and work. They were also stocked well enough to last for days while cut-off from friendly supply lines. Air filtration systems insured that the bunkers were impervious to poison gas, and each bunker was equipped with a heater to keep the occupants comfortable.[4]

Other defenses in the forest included log bunkers hastily constructed from cut timber- while these were clearly not as durable as a concrete position, they blended into their surroundings easily. In some areas, the Germans had also cut down and cleared trees to the front of the bunkers, creating clear fields of fire with no place for advancing infantry to take cover. The Germans also emplaced tank traps, also known as “Dragon’s Teeth”, all along the border region- these 1m x 1m concrete tetrahedrons could not be crossed by tanks and were extremely tough, requiring engineers to use heavy explosives to clear paths through them. Lastly, the Germans had planted hundreds of minefields all along the Siegfried Line and in the forest. In the Hürtgen Forest, these mines were often placed along fire breaks and logging trails, and were often a mix of anti-tank and anti-personnel mines. Among American infantry, the Schu-42 anti-personnel mine, made of wood and undetectable by mine sweepers, was particularly feared.[5] Initially, German units in the forest consisted of two depleted divisions, the 275th and 353rd Infantry Divisions, numbering only 5,000 men and lacking any tanks and having little artillery support.[6] Commanding this force was Generalleutnant Hans Schmidt, an experienced infantry officer who had commanded German units in the Polish, French, and Russian campaigns.[7] Eventually, as it became clear that the Americans were determined to clear the forest, additional German units would reinforce Schmidt’s forces.

On September 13th, the fighting for the forest began when the 9th Infantry Division, commanded by Major General Louis Craig, began moving into the southern region of the forest with the objective of taking Lammersdorf and the hills surrounding the town. Lammdersdorf was centered across a axis of advance through the forest known as the Monschau Corridor. Within a few days, Lammersdorf was taken, but the hills around the town, in particular Hill 554, were well-defended. Though the 9th Infantry Division had been one of the first US Army units committed to fighting against the Germans in November 1942, the division quickly became bogged down in intense forest fighting. The well-camouflaged emplacements caused large numbers of casualties among the Americans, and German patrols manned by many soldiers familiar with the terrain menaced the GIs. On September 22nd, after receiving artillery and assault gun reinforcements, the Germans launched a counterattack into the 9th Division’s left flank following a 15-minute artillery bombardment. The Germans overran a number of infantry positions and pushed far enough to capture a battery of howitzers. To prevent his division from being completely overrun, General Craig committed the 746th Tank Battalion and 899th Tank Destroyer Battalion to the battle, halting the German counterattack. [8] Hill 554 was not taken until September 29th by Company K of the 39th Infantry Regiment, supported by a platoon of Shermans from the 746th.

Just three days after Hill 554 was taken, General Craig received new orders for his division- he was to continue the attack along the Monschau Corridor with the objective of taking the towns of Germenter and Vossenack. The attack was poorly conceived- still not understanding the logistical nightmare of supplying a division in the forest, the 9th’s three infantry regiments had only two dirt roads that twisted up and down through the heavily-forested hills. It was nearly impossible for tanks to traverse the poor roads, but tank support was vital in order for infantry to succeed against the fortified German positions. The division’s 39th Regiment was to advance on the right, while the 60th Regiment would advance on the left, taking the Schmidt-Steckenborn ridge and creating a three-mile wide gap in the woods. The 47th Regiment was to provide security for the division’s left flank, along with reinforcements to the other two regiments as needed. The 9th was relocated to its staging area, relieving the 4th Cavalry Group on October 2nd. The attack was to begin on the 6th. The attack was preceded by an aerial bombardment from 84 aircraft and an intense artillery bombardment.[9]

Two GIs from 2nd Platoon, D Company, 39th Infantry Regiment provide supporting fire on German positions. Photo: 9thinfantrydivision.net

GIs from the 9th Infantry Division advance through one of the many small villages in the Hurtgen. Photo: 9thinfantrydivision.net

By this time, as it had become apparent to the Germans that the Americans were set on taking the forest, German reinforcements had begun arriving. Defending in the face of the 9th’s attack were soldiers of the 942nd Infantry Regiment and 257th Fusilier Battalion. Even more significantly, the overall German commander in the region, Field Marshal Walter Model, was taking an active role in the battle. Model was a 53-year old career army officer whose highly skilled defensive tactics in the east had earned him the nickname of “Hitler’s Fireman”. Initially, the 9th’s attack proceeded well enough, though slowly. During the first day, most of the units advanced only about 1000 yards, with some battalions suffering significant casualties. However, all units had eventually run up against bunkers with overlapping fields of fire supported by mortars. Some units reached the outskirts of Germeter and placed several elements of the German 253rd Grenadier Regiment in danger of being cut off. As a result, the Germans moved up reinforcements on October 7th which included a mix of second-line infantry, Luftwaffe troops, and police, supported by artillery and anti-aircraft units. With these reinforcements, the Germans launched local counterattacks on the 7th and 8th- both failed in the face of rifle, machine-gun and mortar fire. The second attack had cost the Germans 30 killed and 27 captured, but the attacks did inflict casualties on the Americans.[10] Later in the day, the US 39th Infantry Regiment attempted to resume its advance but only made minor gains before the attack again bogged down. Other American attacks, such as one made with support from tanks and tank destroyers by the 1st Battalion, 60th Infantry Regiment, had better success, advancing nearly to the road junction at Richelskaul. By the end of October 8th, 1st Battalion, 60th Infantry Regiment and 1st Battalion, 39th Infantry Regiment had reached the outskirts of Germeter, while 3rd Battalion, 39th Infantry Regiment had taken Wittscheidt.[11]

On the morning of the 9th, the Germans counterattacked again, preventing the Americans from resuming the advance and retaking Wittscheidt and capturing 41 men from I Company, 3rd Battalion, 39th Infantry Regiment. On the 10th, additional German reinforcements arrived. The Americans succeeded in taking the village of Raffelsbrand, but the following day were unable to make any good on the previous day’s success. When fire from several bypassed pillboxes prevented reinforcements from moving up, a company from 1st Battalion, 39th Infantry Regiment supported by a platoon of tanks from the 746th Tank Battalion began probing towards Vossenack. After just 500 yards, the lead tank of Lieutenant Robert Sherwood was knocked out by a Panzerschreck, and the remaining tanks and infantry withdrew. Near Germeter, the Germans counterattacked with the freshly arrived Regiment Wegelein- some 1800 officers and men. This attack quickly gained ground, pushing into 1st Battalion, 39th Infantry Regiment’s positions. Realizing the seriousness of the situation, General Craig dispatched the divisional reconnaissance troop, which was augmented by a platoon of light tanks, along with two companies from the 47th Infantry Regiment. This force finally stopped the German counterattack. The Germans lost 500 casualties in the counterattack, but succeeded in disrupting American designs on Vossenack that same day. After this attack, the surviving officer candidates which made of Wegelein’s unit were withdrawn, further reducing his available strength. Despite this, the Germans continued resisting American advances through the day.[12]

On the 13th, German resistance and counterattacks prevented the 60th Infantry Regiment from making any advances around Raffelsbrand. On the German side of the lines, Wegelein received orders from his superior, Colonel Schmidt, to launch another attack on the morning of the 14th. Wegelein protested these orders strongly, as he had too few men remaining to effectively launch an attack. However, Schmidt accused Wegelein of cowardice, and Wegelein was forced to carry out his orders- he was killed early on the 14th by rifle fire when he strayed to close to American lines while delivering orders to his subordinate officers. In the next day two days, fighting continued to seesaw back and forth, but the 9th Division and its German opponents had been ground down. In close to a month of fighting, the 9th suffered over 4500 casualties, over 1000 of which were the result of sickness, trench foot, injury, and psychosomatic conditions (PTSD). German losses were also high- they had lost some 2000 killed or wounded and over 1300 captured.[13] For all of this bloodshed, the Americans had only advanced some three kilometers.[14]

The large number of noncombat casualties which the 9th suffered spoke to the misery suffered by both sides during the battle. By this time, fall weather had long since set in. Temperatures average in the 40s (Farenheit) dropping into the 30s during this time of year. It rains very frequently, and the wet and cold conditions caused fog and low-hanging clouds to reduce visibility extensively and completely negate the benefit of Allied aircover. The reduced visibility also limited the effectiveness of artillery, since forward observes had problems locating targets and observing the fall of shells. The constant cold and wet conditions had catastrophic effects for infantry living out of foxholes in the forest, who had almost no means of keeping their clothes and socks in particular dry. Winter clothing was also not immediately forthcoming, so the Americans had to make do with the uniforms which they had been wearing since their arrival in mainland Europe during the summer. As if the weather and cold were not enough, at night the forest became virtually pitch dark. The high pines combined with the cloud cover prevented any ambient light from illuminating the battlefield. Paul Boesch, a Lieutenant serving in the 8th Infantry Division and who would move with his Division into the forest in late November, described moving up to the line during nighttime conditions:

“Down the narrow trail of a road between towering trees on either side we moved. The night seemed to get even blacker if that was possible, and the rain came in great wind-driven sheets, drenching every thread of our clothes… The only light came to pierce the blackness came from artillery pieces located in clearings in the forest. The big guns belched their shells with thunderous, unannounced, ear-splitting roars that reverberated against the wooded hills and echoed and reechoed until it seemed we were caught in the middle of some giant cauldron with hundreds of Satanic monsters banging sledgehammers against the sides with fiendish glee. For an instant as each gun fired, the sky would light up with a blinding flash. After the sudden, brilliant burst of light, it was hard to adjust your vision again to the darkness. Circles and stars danced before your eyes, and you had to struggle to keep from losing your balance. Far off on the horizon answering reports from the enemy’s big guns appeared like quick little flickers of heat lighting.”[15]

The Germans were equally miserable, despite their familiarity with the terrain, as evidenced by this excerpt from the German War Diary:

"In the forest itself it looks completely crazy. The trees are leaning on one another through continual fire, and the roads are completely soaked, and everywhere stands water a foot high. The infantrymen look like pigs. No rest for over a week and not a dry thread on their bodies; for it is raining continually and fog is always at hand. It's a bush war: Man against man with enormous efforts for the individual man.... Infantry of the division is completely finished. There are only staffs there, and very few men: Even men who can't be brought forward at the point of a pistol, are also there."[16]

In late October, the 28th Infantry Division replaced the 9th in its positions in the Hürtgen Forest. Commanding the 28th was Major General Norman Cota. At the time, Cota was a rising star in Europe. After serving as the chief of operations for the 1st Infantry Division in North Africa and Sicily, and an assignment to Combined Operations in England working on plans for Operation Overlord, he became the assistant Division Commander to the 29th Infantry Division. On D-Day, he earned a Distinguished Service Cross for personally leading survivors of his division off of Omaha Beach, and was subsequently given command of the 28th Division as a reward. However, the Hürtgen would put an end to his sterling reputation.

In mid-October, General Courtney Hodges was informed that his First Army was to provide the impetus behind an offensive into Germany scheduled for the end of the month. Hodges’ objective was the major city of Cologne and the Rhine River, but in order to free up enough forces to carry out the mission, he had to finish clearing out the forest. This task was to fall to Cota’s 28th Infantry Division. Hodges directed Cota to take Vossenack and the treeline facing the village of Hürtgen- a plan which was very close to what the 9th had been ordered to carry out. More ominously, the 28th’s attack was scheduled to begin on October 31st-  between then and November 5th, the 28th would be the only unit in the entire 12th Army Group to be attacking along a 150-mile front, a situation which would allow the Germans to mass reinforcements against the Americans in the Hürtgen.[17] Lieutenant General Leonard Gerow, Cota’s superior, tried to allay some of his concerns by reinforcing the 28th with a tank battalion, a towed tank destroyer battalion, a self-propelled tank destroyer battalion, three combat engineer battalions, and a chemical mortar battalion, with additional fire support made available from VII Corps Artillery.[18] The primary focus of the attack was to be first the capture of Vossenack, followed by a crossing of the Kall River gorge, then the capture of Schmidt and its road junction- this attack was to be executed by the 112th Infantry Regiment. Supporting attacks would be carried out by the 110th Infantry Regiment, which was tasked with taking Simonskall and Steckenborn, and by the 109th Infantry Regiment, which was to take the village of Hürtgen. A number of problems began developing as Cota’s staff planned the offensive. Neither Cota nor his staff fully grasped the incredibly difficult nature of the terrain, over which his soldiers would have to advance. Cota also made the mistake of essentially approving avenues of approach centered on one single road for each of his regiments, meaning that all vehicle traffic- supplies, wounded, food, etc., would have to wind their way up and down twisting and turning roads which were at the best of times made of dirt but now were muddy and slippery. Worse still, Cota had not ordered his cavalry units to perform any reconnaissance of the areas where his forces would be moving through, and he consequently was unaware of German forces and dispositions. Based on prior intelligence, Cota and his staff were aware that various elements of thee 275th and 89th Divisions were in the vicinity, but they did not know that the 272nd Volksgrenadier Division had moved up to replace the 89th right as Cota’s division attacked. Lastly, instead of drawing on the experience of the 9th Infantry Division, Cota decided to leave most of his tanks and tank destroyers in the rear for use as artillery. He and his staff believed that the forest and its roads were generally impassable to heavy armored vehicles, but in reality the tanks and TDs could traverse the forest- the lack of their support would lessen the chance of successful infantry attacks against fortifications.[19]

On November 2nd, V and VII Corps Artillery, along with 28th Infantry Division’s own artillery, opened fire at 0800 and began an hour-long bombardment. The artillery fired over 11,000 rounds at both known and suspected German positions. At 0900, the infantry went on the attack. The 109th Infantry Regiment quickly ran into a minefield near Wittscheidt and came under artillery fire. A German counterattack supported by several attacks soon forced the Americans to stop and dig in, unable to take the village of Hürtgen. In the next five days, the regiment suffered 1,275 killed, wounded or missing- a casualty rate of more than 50%.[20] In the south, the 110th had even less success. Both of the attacking battalions encountered stiff German resistance and minefields, forcing them back to their jumping off positions. They attempted to attack several more times during the next ten days, but failed each time. By the time the regiment was replaced on November 13th, every infantry officer in the rifle companies had become a casualty.[21] Only in the center did the 28th have any success. The 112th Infantry Regiment, supported by a company of Sherman tanks from the 707th Tank Battalion pushed through Germeter and took Vossenack, which was lightly defended at the time. This force established a line along the Kall River gorge, but any efforts to venture any further that day were fruitless owing to German small arms fire.

On November 3rd, the commander of the 112th Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Carl Peterson, ordered his forces to bypass the village of Richelskaul and move on to take Kommerscheidt on the opposite side of the Kall River gorge. Despite the muddy trail conditions, his 3rd Battalion encountered little resistance and had secured the town by early afternoon. Leaving his 1st Battalion behind to hold Kommerscheidt, Peterson ordered 3rd Battalion to move on and take Schmidt, which they succeeded in doing after again overcoming light German resistance. Cota ordered Peterson to move his 1st Battalion up to Schmidt to create a stronger line, as he believed that the Germans would counterattack after losing valuable defensive terrain; however, Peterson recommended leaving his units in place to form a defense in depth. This was to prove a mistake- Peterson’s units were overstretched to hold this amount of territory, particularly since both flanks were open due to the failure of the 109th and 110th’s attacks. Peterson’s men, exhausted from their day’s movement over difficult terrain and after having taken two villages, did not dig adequate fighting positions or conceal the anti-tank mines they had positioned properly. Peterson’s forces also didn’t conduct any patrols to establish contact with the Germans, leaving the question of where the Germans had withdrawn to.[22]

During the night, an attempt was made to send additional tanks across the gorge. This came to nothing when one of the tanks nearly fell off a step drop along one of the downward turns along the Kall Trail. Engineers were ordered to try and make the road passable, but no more tanks had crossed by dawn on the 4th. It was around this time that Cota, very pleased with the 112th’s progress the following day, decided to commit his divisional reserve- 1st Battalion, 110th Infantry Regiment- to an attack against Steckenborn in an effort to shore up the flank of the 112th’s advance. This attack also quickly bogged down when the infantry ran into a line of pillboxes. Later in the morning, Cota was informed that a tank platoon under First Lieutenant Raymond Fleig had succeeded in crossing the Kall River gorge, but now the trail was blocked by five disabled tanks. One Sherman had hit a mine, another had fallen off the trail, and three others had thrown a track. The disabled tanks would not be cleared until the following day. The news would only get worse for Cota on the 4th.[23]

Thrown tracks from tanks and tank destroyers litter the Kall Trail near Vossenack. Photo: ibiblio.org

A pair of GIs armed with captured German MG42s look out from their foxholes in the forest. Source: Historynet.com

M10s of the 893rd Tank Destroyer Battalion move along a heavily wooded trail near Germeter. Source: hurtgen1944.homestead.com

At 0700 on the 4th, German artillery opened fire on the 112th’s positions at Schmidt, bombarding the town for half an hour. After the artillery lifted, a two-pronged counterattack began. One force of dismounted German infantry  supported by some 15  Panzer III, Panzer IV and Panther tanks advanced on Schmidt from the northeast from Harschiedt; another German force of eight Panthers and four Sturmgeschutz assault guns advanced from the south after staging in Strauch. The mines which the American GIs had placed were easily seen and avoided by the German tankers, who pelted American positions in Schmidt. With no armor support and nothing with which to effectively combat a large armored attack, most of the Americans retreated to Kommerscheidt, though one company withdrew into the woods southwest of Schmidt and was captured several days later.[24] Word of the counterattack was slow to reach American commanders- Peterson was not aware that Schmidt was under attack until 0830, and Cota was not informed until between 0900-1000. By 1130, Schmidt was back in German hands. Cota still had little idea of what was happening on the opposite side of the gorge, and eventually resorted to sending his Assistant Division Commander and assistant G3 to find out what was happening. He also ordered the 1171st Engineer Combat Group commander to clear the Kall Trail by first light on November 5th, even if it meant pushing the Shermans into the gorge. As this was taking place, the Germans continued their counterattack. At 1400, a force of eight Panthers from the 16th Panzer Regiment accompanied by some 200 infantry attacked Kommerscheidt. Lt. Fleig’s recently arrived Shermans were immediately committed to the fight- Fleig’s tank crew knocked out or destroyed three Panthers, a fourth was knocked out by another Sherman, and fighter-bombers took advantage of a gap in the weather to destroy a fifth, after which the Germans withdrew.[25]

On the morning of the 5th, the engineers and tank crews finally got the trail clear- the six other tanks of A Company, 707th Tank Battalion moved up to join Fleig’s platoon at Kommerscheidt, accompanied by nine M-10 tank destroyers.[26] Under pressure from his superiors, Cota ordered LTC Peterson to retake Schmidt. Peterson was prevented from mounting this attack by a second German counterattack, which was halted by the newly arrived armor and by additional close air support provided by fighter bombers. Realizing that Peterson couldn’t retake Schmidt with his available forces, Cota created a Task Force under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Ripple, who was also commander of the 707th Tank Battalion. Ripple was given the much reduced 3rd Battalion, 110th Infantry Regiment, a company of tank destroyers, and two of his own organic tank companies (one medium, one light). The medium company was the Sherman company already in Kommerscheidt, commanded by Captain Bruce Hostrup. Ordered to advance back to Schmidt, Ripple’s force first had to cross the gorge by proceeding along the Kall Trail, which had been partially overrun by the reconnaissance element of the 116th Panzer Regiment. It would take Ripple most of the day to get up to Kommerscheidt.[27]

While Task Force Ripple fought its way up the Kall Trail, a concentrated artillery barrage struck the 2nd Battalion, 112th Regiment in its positions on the Vossenack ridge. Spurred by the artillery and a rumor that German infantry was breaking through, many of the GIs retreated and had to be rallied by their officers. The situation became worse when American artillery, firing back at the German guns, fired a number of rounds short and inflicted numerous casualties among the gathered GIs. To reinforce the now-depleted 2nd Battalion, Cota ordered engineers from the 146th Engineer Combat Battalion to move into the village as ad-hoc infantry. Other engineers were ordered to try and improve the Kall Trail.[28] After making his only visit to the lines on the 6th, Cota requested reinforcements from General Gerow. Gerow shifted the 12th Infantry Regiment from the 4th Infantry Division into the 28th’s sector. The 12th would replace the 109th Regiment, whose 2nd and 3rd Battalions were then ordered to move into Vossenack and the Vossenack ridge respectively.[29]

The next day, November 7th, Cota ordered his Assistant Division Commander, Brigadier General Davis, to carry out an attack on Schmidt with a Task Force, designated Task Force Davis. This force was to consist of the 1st Battalion, 109th Regiment, which had just received a large number of replacements to make up for its terrible losses in the days immediately prio, along with the 1st and 3rd Battalions, 112th Infantry and 3rd Battalion, 110th Regiment, supported by two tank destroyer companies from the 893rd Tank Destroyer Battalion and two companies of tanks from the 707th Tank Battalion. While TF Davis might have seemed strong on paper, in reality its elements were severely depleted in combat effectiveness, having all fought in the battle and sustained heavy losses. The armored units were also not up to strength, having suffered their own losses in the fighting previously. It was perhaps for the best when the attack was called off when 1st Battalion, 109th became lost in the forest before the attack. However, elsewhere the Americans continued attacking. Soldiers in the 146th Engineers supported by tanks from the 70th Tank Battalion advanced on and cleared Vossenack of German forces, who left behind some 150 killed and wounded. In Kommerscheidt, the thinly-spred Americans withstood one attack by a German infantry battalion supported by 15 tanks- the American armor supporting the infantry engaged the Germans, knocking out five of the Panzers while losing two Shermans and three M10s. However, after regrouping the German infantry and remaining tanks attacked again and this time they drove the GIs out of Kommerscheidt. The Americans then withdrew to the tree-line behind the village.[30]

As night fell on the 7th, the situation only worsened for the Americans. Vossenack remained in American hands, but only just so. Germans again began attacking the Kall Trail, endangering the Engineers in Vossenack with being cut off. Finally recognizing how badly his Division had faired in the past three days, General Cota called General Gerow and requested to pull his remaining forces in Vossenack back across the Kall River Gorge. He was given permission, but only if his division continued to hold the ridge south of Vossenack and if he sent reinforcements to the 4th Division’s 12th Infantry Regiment, which was preparing to attack Hürtgen. In the wake of the 28th’s failure, several superior commanders visited Cota’s command post, including General Gerow, General Hodges, First Army commander General Omar Bradley, and supreme Allied commander General Dwight Eisenhower. Neither Eisenhower or Bradley remained long; after their departure, Hodges proceeded to reprimand Cota and recommending that Gerow relieve him of command. Gerow did not comply with Hodge’s wishes, but the damage had been done to Cota’s career- he would advance no further beyond his divisional command.[31]

During the remainder of the night, American forces pulled back across the Kall River, and German engineers destroyed the stone bridge over the river, which had been the main way for Americans to get supplies across the river. For the rest of the 28th’s time on the front in the Hürtgen Forest, the division remained relatively inactive. It was relieved from November 14-18th by the 8th Infantry Division. During three weeks in the Hürtgen Forest, the division had been decimated. The 112th Infantry Regiment had gone into the forest with an authorized strength of 3100 men- it suffered over 2300 casualties which included 167 killed outright, 431 missing (most of whom were later listed as killed), 719 wounded, 544 non-battle casualties, and 232 captured. The rest of the division had suffered another 3,868 casualties for a total of nearly 6200. Commanding officers in the division had suffered heavily as well- two of three regiment commanders were wounded, two battalion commanders had to be replaced after suffering from what was then characterized as battle fatigue (more commonly known today as PTSD), a third was badly wounded, and a fourth was killed. Armor losses were heavy as well. The 707th Tank Battalion entered the forest with 50 Shermans and lost 31; the 893rd Tank Destroyer Battalion came in with 24 M10s and lost 16.[32] After suffering such disastrous losses, the 28th was moved south to a quiet sector where it could regroup- the Ardennes sector. It would face the brunt of the massive German offensive there in mid-December.

Months later in February 1945, as elements of the 82nd Airborne Division and the 78th Infantry Division began pushing into the forest again with the goal of taking the dams along the Roer River to prevent the Germans from opening their gates, the commander of the 82nd, Major General James Gavin made his way through the aftermath of the fierce fighting in November.  He later wrote of what he saw.

“One had to be extremely careful because the trail had not been cleared of mines… As we approached the top, all the debris evidenced a bitter struggle. There were more bodies, an antitank gun or two, destroyed jeeps, and abandoned weapons… As evening descended over the canyon, it was an eerie scene, like something from a low level of Dante’s Inferno… During the night, troops were moved up to the town, and I went back down the trail with the leading battalion not long after daylight… A young soldier, a new replacement, was looking with horror at the dead. He began to turn pale, then green, and he was obviously about to vomit. I knew his state of mind: every young soldier, upon first entering combat, is horrified by the sight of the bodies that have been abandoned. They always imagine themselves dead and neglected. I talked to him… and assured him that our outfit never abandoned its dead.”[33]

Many of the bodies had the red Keystone patch on their shoulders, which came come to be called “the Bloody Bucket” thereafter for the division’s struggle in the forest. The 28th Infantry Division had perhaps suffered the most in the battle for the forest, but the fighting was not yet over.

            On November 16th, the 4th Infantry Division entered the fighting in the forest  with the opening of Operation Queen. Operation Queen was part of a much larger offensive which had as its objective the seizure of crossings across the Rhine River into Germany. To this end, the 4th Infantry Division was to clear the northern portion of the forest which formed the southern flank of VII Corps’ advance. The 4th went into the attack at 1245 on the 14th, making modest gains on the first day. Then on the 17th, the Germans began a vicious defense coupled with local counterattacks which would cause heavy losses to the 4th. On the same day, the 16th Infantry Battalion was able to secure Hill 232, a significant rise in the region.[34] Mines once again caused an extreme headache to the Americans; medics from the 4th Infantry Division had to carry their wounded back some 1500 yards to the nearest aid station because the roads were covered in mines. During the 17-18th, every battalion commander in the 22nd Infantry Regiment was killed or wounded, and the story was much the same for the rest of the division. On November 29th, the 2nd and 3rd Battalions of the 22nd managed to take the village of Grosshau with the aid of tank support. The 22nd lost so many killed and wounded that elements of the 46th Armored Infantry Battalion from the 5th Armored Division assisted the 22nd in follow-on efforts to move up to what would be the 5th’s line of departure for future offensive operations. On December 2nd, a German counterattack hit the 22nd in several places along its line, causing heavy casualties. Losses were severe enough that the division commander, Major General Raymond Barton requested that General Gerow relieve the 22nd. By the end of December 2nd, the 4th Infantry Division had suffered over 4,000 killed and wounded, along with another 2,000 illness-related casualties since November 17th.[35] On December 3rd, the 22nd was relieved by the 330th Infantry Regiment of the 83rd Infantry Division.[36]

A German soldier surrenders to soldiers of the 9th Infantry Division in November near the forest. Photo: warfarehistorynetwork.com

German artillery fires on American positions in the forest. Photo: Bundesarchiv.

PFC M. Berzon, SSG B. Spur and SSG H. Glesser of I Company, 3rd BN, 8th Infantry Regiment, 4th Infantry Division, take a brake on the slope of a hill in the forest on 18 November 1944. Source: Realwarphotos.com

M10 tank destroyers of the 803rd Tank Destroyer Battalion, 3rd Armored Division, move along forest trails near Duren on 18 November 1944. Photo: Realwarphotos.com

            Further south in the forest, the 8th Division continued its own operations against the Germans. Thanksgiving Day was November 23rd, and the division commander ordered that everyone in his command would receive a hot turkey meal, much to the incredulity of many of the infantry officers and NCOs. Among them was 1st LT Paul Boesch, serving with the 2nd Battalion, 121st Infantry Regiment as a company commander. For much of the day, Boesch and his men were in contact with the Germans. At one point, Boesch received a phone call at his command post. It was a staff officer from his Battalion headquarters who announced, “Happy Thanksgiving. We’ve got hot turkey dinner here for every men in the outfit.” Boesch couldn’t believe what the officer was saying, and tried telling him that his men were too close to the Germans to send up food parties, who had already been up to the line once already that evening; Boesch knew that the Germans would fire on the gathered soldiers as they waited for food. However, his battalion commander was insistent. As predicted, when Boesch’s men began to gather to pick up their share of the turkey dinner, the Germans opened fire with their artillery, killing and wounding several men. Boesch was forced to wait until dawn to send in his medics. When told of the disaster, Boesch’s battalion commander called back to apologize.[37]

Despite this sobering event, the 8th continued pressing forward in spite of dreadful winter conditions which continued to effect the Americans. As with previous divisions assigned to the forest, the 8th saw a large number of its casualties caused because of cold and wet weather injuries, particularly trench foot. George Wagner, a soldier with the 1st Battalion, 28th Infantry Regiment, recounted the conditions he experienced in the forest:

“By this time, winter had set in and there was plenty of snow and very cold weather. All movement in our area was held to a minimum as the Germans still indiscriminately dropped shells on us at the slightest movement or noise. As a result, most of our movements were done at night. Supplies were brought up at night to the edge of our wooded area by halftrack. Our area must have seen plenty of action before we got there. There were German bodies lying around. Also the bodies must have been there a long time because they had turned black and there was that sweet smell of death in the air. Occasionally, I would see a G.I. going through the pockets of a dead German soldier, looking for souvenirs. This disgusted me, and I always put a stop to it. Once the sun went down the nights got extremely cold. Rifle patrols went out every night but they never seemed to engage the enemy. A lot of the guys in the company came down with, "Trench Foot" Because of the extreme cold and the restrictions to their being able to move around, ones feet began to swell up so much that they would look as if they were inflated. The feet would swell inside the shoes and some would have to cut or remove shoelaces for relief. In some cases, the G.I.'s boots had to be cut in order to reduce the pressure and the pain. Many of the guys were so bad off that they had difficulty just shuffling about for the bare necessities, food, mail, water, etc. In fact, some of the guys wouldn't even attempt to get out of their Slit-trenches or Bunkers because of the extreme pain they had to endure in trying to walk. Those of us who were still able to get around took care of their needs as best as we could. We brought "K" rations, water and mail to them. The only thing that they ventured out for was the "call of nature".”[38]

 The Division was able to retake the village of Hürtgen, though at a heavy cost, with Boesch’s company at the front of the attack. Boesch was soon afterwards injured in a fall, which removed him from his command position for months while he healed. On December 10th, the 2nd Ranger Battalion assaulted and took Hill 400, the largest hilltop in the forest, but then suffered heavy casualties in a German counterattack, but managed to hold on. On the same day, the 9th and 83rd Infantry Divisions, supported by elements of the 3rd and 5th Armored Divisions began yet another attack into the forest- this would prove to be the last major American attack of the battle. Elements of the 9th were able to take the village of Echtz and Merode Castle, which had been defended by paratroopers. The 83rd slogged its way through house-to-house fighting in the towns of Strass and Gey. When a German counterattack supported by panzers hit the 331st Infantry Regiment as it tried to take Gey, the 5th Armored Division’s 744th Tank Battalion was moved forward to stop the attack. Unfortunately, the Battalion became bogged down in mud and mines. Still, the 83rd managed to cling to its gains during the next several days.[39]

Fighting in the Hürtgen Forest came to a temporary end on December 16th when the Germans launched their massive counter-offensive in the Ardennes. The Americans withdrew from the forest to consolidate their lines and shift many of their units to reinforce the areas under German attack. Among the units which were at the receiving end of the initial German bombardment were the 28th and 4th Infantry Divisions, both of which had suffered greatly during the fighting in the forest. While some elements were overrun quickly, others resisted stubbornly as long as they could, which derailed the German timetable for achieving their objectives. Two months after the offensive began and after all of its gains had been reversed by the Americans, the final fighting in the forest took place. In mid-February 1945, the 82nd Airborne Division began attacking through the forest to support the taking of the Rur Dam. The 82nd finally secured the forest on February 9th; the following day, the Rur Dam was secured.[40]

A M3 halftrack with the 16th Infantry Regiment moves through a muddy track in the forest in February 1945 as the 82nd Airborne moves into the forest. Source: Wikimedia.

In five months of fighting, American casualties had amounted to 24,000 killed, wounded or captured, plus another 9,000 casualties related to trenchfoot, illness, and combat fatigue. The Americans had also lost dozens of tanks and tank destroyers in the fighting. The Germans had lost approximately 28,000 total casualties.[41] While the Rur dam was eventually secured, it came at an extreme cost. Several American commanders, including Bradley and Eisenhower, barely mentioned the battle in their post-war memoirs, despite the length of the battle and its heavy toll. Several postwar historians wrote that the battle had been a futile one which should not have been fought. At the very least, after attempting to take the most direct route to the Rur Dam and discovering that taking that route required crossing inhospitable terrain which favored the defensive and whose defenders were familiar with the terrain, it would have been more advisable to bypass the Germans in the forest. American commanders at the time believed that doing so would have left an open flank which invited German counterattack. There is a degree of truth to this, but at least initially German forces in the forest were relatively thin, and it is possible that the Americans might have been able to move around the weakly-defended sector while leaving a fixing force in place. However, this is speculative and the outcome of such a move will never be known. What is certain is that the manner in which American commanders repeatedly committed their infantry into frontal assaults against a well-emplaced defender bordered on incompetence, especially given the fact that many of them never bothered to walk the terrain that their men would be moving through.

Usually when visiting a battlefield, I try to visualize the area as it might have looked when the battle occurred. Sometimes this is difficult, as towns have expanded and altered the landscape. The terrain itself might have been altered time or man for one reason or another. However, in some cases the terrain of a battlefield remains the same and leaves an immediate impression on the observer. Hürtgen Forest is such a place. Situated along a series of steep hills and deep gorges around the Rur River and Kall River, the forest still remains dense and foreboding. On the weekend of I visited, I arrived in the town of Vossenack, parked my car and set off towards the west where the forest lay. After walking across a field which sloped down towards the Kall Valley, the relatively flat ground gave way to a steep drop-off towards the valley floor, which itself was not very wide. The Kall River runs through the gorge; a stone bridge forms the main crossing point across the river. On this bridge is a monument called “A Time for Healing.” This monument was built in recognition of the efforts of one Captain Günter Stüttgen, a regimental doctor with the German forces, who negotiated an unofficial ceasefire with American forces to attend to the thousands of wounded on both sides. The ceasefire last for five days, during which American and German medics at times worked alongside one another. The monument was designed by Michael Pohlmann and put in place in the mid-2000s.[42]  On the other side, the terrain rose up again sharply, covered in dark pine trees. Today, in many places parts of the woods have been cleared to make room for wind turbines or paved roads, but most vehicle paths remain little more than single lane dirt roads which may have gravel in some locations. These paths wind their way steeply up both sides of the valley- incredibly, it would have been these paths along which the Americans sent Shermans and M10 tank destroyers- small wonder that so many became immobilized by the terrible terrain.

            After a steep hike across the Kall Valley and up the other side, I found myself in the depths of the forest. Wandering off of paths, the pine trees grew dense- it was difficult to walk on ground that was not made more rough by tree roots and rocks protruding from the surface. On the days which I visited the forest there was no fog, but it’s easy to imagine visibility decreasing to near zero even during daylight hours. Having spent time in the woods elsewhere in Germany in poor weather or night conditions, it’s also very easy to imagine how impenetrable the darkness of night would have been in October and November 1944, particularly when fog or mist descended into the woods. In a number of places throughout the woods, and especially all along the western ridge along the Kall Valley, numerous foxholes remain, along with shell impacts. At the time I visited the Hürtgen Forest, I had visited Verdun just weeks earlier. The shell impacts were less numerous than Verdun, and generally not nearly as large, but there are enough remaining to still indicate the ferocity of the indirect fires which were used during the battle. Unlike Verdun however, Hürtgen Forest saw widescale use of treebursts, which are no longer evident.

            In several places throughout the forest, grave markers remain from where the bodies of soldiers were discovered long after the fighting had ended. In several cases, the dead soldiers were found 40-50 years after the battle had ended; the messages left behind by families on the markers are incredibly tragic, made worse by the thought of one’s loved ones being left seemingly forgotten in the thick forest. In another location, on the western slope of the Kall Valley, the melted rubber tracks of a Sherman tank remain seared into the ground where it was hit and burned.

            The most ominous features of the Hürtgen battlefield which remain today are the bunkers. In the area I visited, there is a trail which takes the visitor to a series of bunkers on the western ridge of the Kall Valley. The bunkers are almost impossible to see from much further than 50-60 meters away, by which time most soldiers would be in the middle of overlapping fields of fire from machine guns or rifles. The bunkers are blended into the terrain-earth has been mounded along their flanks to cleverly conceal them among their surroundings. Making them even harder to see is the camouflage paint, which while faded today still makes them difficult to discern. It’s not hard to see why GIs struggled so much to make it past these fortifications. Well-camouflaged and difficult to bring heavy fire on because of the terrain, a decently-equipped German infantry squad could hold a bunker successfully against a much larger force. Making matters worse for an attacker is the fact that neighboring bunkers lay only 100 meters or so apart. Most of the bunkers today are not well-maintained inside- stagnate pools of water are inside many rooms, and exposed steel has rusted severely in many places because of the humidity. However, many bunkers are also easily accessible, so it’s possible for a visitor to gain a sense of what the defenders might have seen from their vantage point. In several cases, bullet pockmarks or impact marks from artillery or tank fire on the bunker exteriors testify to their strong construction.

            The Hürtgen Forest remains an imposing sight over 76 years after the fighting which took place there. The terrain is striking, as are the many bunkers which remain behind. The battlefield is also marked by several tragic memorials, including the odd marker to a long-forgotten soldier whose body was not found until years after the war had ended. To a visitor in the region, I would strongly recommend taking the time to make the trip to the battlefield to better understand what the soldiers on both sides were going through in the fall and winter of 1944.

While much of the forest has been overcome by development, the rest of the Hurtgen remains and imposing place. Photo: Author.

Several graves of soldiers found years after the fighting ended are scattered throughout the woods. Photo: Author.

Text from the marker for PFC Robert Cahow, a GI with the 78th Infantry Division who was killed and listed as missing for years after the battle had ended. Photo: Author.

Though they are now covered in over 70 years of growth, the bunkers remain and imposing site which blend into their surrounding terrain. Photo: Author.

Battle damage from the fighting remains evident on the outsides of bunkers even today. Photo: Author.

Many bunkers were blown up by Allied soldiers to prevent the Germans from reoccupying them. The area around these bunkers is being used for wind farms. Photo: Author.

The front of a blown-up bunker, which still shows the original camo pattern from the 1940s. Photo source: author.

The insides of several bunkers, which were designed to keep intruders out for a significant period of time, also show battle damage from the fighting. Photo: Author.

 

In the region surrounding the battlefield, miles of Dragon’s Teeth anti-tank obstacles remain in place where they were laid years again.

 

More Dragon’s Teeth. Photo: Author.

 

A view of the Kall River gorge, looking east from Vossenack. Photo: Author.

The Kall River bridge, one of the only significant bridges which could take the weight of tanks within the region. Photo: Author.

A statue called “A Time for Healing”, which was installed in the 2000s by a German sculptor on the Kall River bridge. Photo: Author.

One of the switchbacks in the Kill River trail, which proved such a major obstacle for US tanks and tank destroyers to navigate. A picture showing M-10s maneuvering along the trail shows a similar switchback. Photo: Author.

The tracks from a Sherman or M-10 which melted to the rock when the vehicle was destroyed in 1944. Photo: Author.

 

 

 

 

Sources

1.     Atkinson, Rick. “The Hürtgen Forest, 1944: The Worst Place of Any.” HistoryNet, 7 May 2013, https://www.historynet.com/the-hurtgen-forest-1944-the-worst-place-of-any.htm.

2.     “The Siegfried Line.” Museum of Military Memorabilia in Naples Florida, 20 Oct. 2015, https://www.museum-mm.org/the-siegfried-line/.

3.     “Hurtgen Forest.” 9th Infantry Division in WWII, 11 Oct. 2021, https://9thinfantrydivision.net/battle-of-the-hurtgen-forest/.

4.     Scorpio. 275th Infantry Division (15 Sep - 1 Oct 1944 ) by Hans Schmidt, Generalleutnant A.D., 18 July 2015, http://home.scarlet.be/~sh446368/hans-schmidt-fms-b373-2.html.

5.     Bell, Kelly. “Costly Victory in Hürtgen Forest.” Warfare History Network, Sovereign Media, 6 Nov. 2020, https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/15/costly-victory-in-hurtgen-forest/.

6.     Boesch, Paul. Road to Huertgen: Forest in Hell. Gulf Publishing Company, 1962.

7.     Memories of Hubert Gees - Schlacht Im Hürtgenwald, Scorpio, 7 July 2015, http://home.scarlet.be/~sh446368/memories-hubert-gees.html.

8.     Bradbeer, Thomas G. “Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?” Army History, pp. 18–41. Published by U.S. Army Center of Military History

9.     Gavin, James M. “Bloody Huertgen: The Battle That Should Never Have Been Fought.” American Heritage. Vol 31, Issue 1 (December 1979).

10.  Rush, Robert S. “Hell in the Forest: The 22d Infantry Regiment in the Battle of Hurtgen Forest.” The National Museum of the United States Army, The Army Historical Foundation, 2021, https://armyhistory.org/hell-in-the-forest-the-22d-infantry-regiment-in-the-battle-of-hurtgen-forest/.

11.  Schindler, John R. “Remembering Thanksgiving in Hell.” Observer, Observer, 24 Nov. 2017, https://observer.com/2017/11/remembering-wwiis-hardest-fought-battle-100k-dead-at-hurtgen-forest/.

12.  Wagner, George. “Recollections of George Wagner - Huertgen Forest Battle.” Edited by Scorpio, The Battle of the Huertgen Forest, 9 July 2015, http://home.scarlet.be/~sh446368/recollection-george-wagner.html.

13.  Bayer, Craig. “The Huertgen Forest: A Necessary Battle.” Loyola University, 2002.

14.  Streeter, Timothy S. “The Battle of the Hurtgen Forest.” Modelling the US Army in WWII, 2007, http://www.usarmymodels.com/MODEL%20GALLERY/Hurtgen%20Forest/2history.html.

15.  “Kall Bridge.” Liberation Route Europe, Liberation Route Europe/Cultural Route of the Council of Europe, https://www.liberationroute.com/pois/237/kall-bridge.

 









[1] https://www.historynet.com/the-hurtgen-forest-1944-the-worst-place-of-any.htm

[2] https://www.historynet.com/the-hurtgen-forest-1944-the-worst-place-of-any.htm

[3] https://www.museum-mm.org/the-siegfried-line/

[4] https://www.museum-mm.org/the-siegfried-line/

[5] https://www.historynet.com/the-hurtgen-forest-1944-the-worst-place-of-any.htm

[6] https://9thinfantrydivision.net/battle-of-the-hurtgen-forest/

[7] http://home.scarlet.be/~sh446368/hans-schmidt-fms-b373-2.html

[8] https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/15/costly-victory-in-hurtgen-forest/

[9] https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/15/costly-victory-in-hurtgen-forest/

[10] https://9thinfantrydivision.net/battle-of-the-hurtgen-forest/

[11] https://9thinfantrydivision.net/battle-of-the-hurtgen-forest/

[12] https://9thinfantrydivision.net/battle-of-the-hurtgen-forest/

[13] https://9thinfantrydivision.net/battle-of-the-hurtgen-forest/

[14] https://wwwhistorynet.com/battle-of-hurtgen-forest-for-schmidt-and-kommerscheidt.htm

[15] P.143-144- Road to Huertgen by Paul Boesch

[16] http://home.scarlet.be/~sh446368/memories-hubert-gees.html

[17] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[18] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[19] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[20] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[21] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[22] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[23] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[24] Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[25] P.21- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[26] P.22- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[27] P.23-24- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[28] P.25- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[29] P.26- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[30] P.27-29- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[31] P.29- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[32] P.30-31- Major General Norman Cota and the Battle of the Hürtgen Forest: A Failure of Battle Command?

[33] https://www.americanheritage.com/bloody-huertgen-battle-should-never-have-been-fought

[34] https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/15/costly-victory-in-hurtgen-forest/

[35] https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/15/costly-victory-in-hurtgen-forest/

[36] https://armyhistory.org/hell-in-the-forest-the-22d-infantry-regiment-in-the-battle-of-hurtgen-forest/

[37] https://observer.com/2017/11/remembering-wwiis-hardest-fought-battle-100k-dead-at-hurtgen-forest/

[38] http://home.scarlet.be/~sh446368/recollection-george-wagner.html

[39] https://warfarehistorynetwork.com/2018/12/15/costly-victory-in-hurtgen-forest/

[40] The Huertgen Forest: A Necessary Battle

[41] http://www.usarmymodels.com/MODEL%20GALLERY/Hurtgen%20Forest/2history.html

[42] https://www.liberationroute.com/pois/237/kall-bridge